Aristotle's ΠΕΡΙ ΦΥΤΩΝ

1957 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. J. Drossaart Lulofs

As regards Aristotle's Περὶ φυτῶν ᾱβ mentioned in Diog. Laert.'s list (nr. 108), Alexander's Statement is decisive: … ἔστι περὶ φυτῶν Θεοφράστῳ πραγματεία γεγραμμένη ᾿Αριστοτέλους γὰροὐ φέρεται and though Simplicius and others occasionally refer to a πραγματεία περὶ φυτῶν there is no indication that they ever saw the book with their own eyes. Aristotle's treatise On Plants, therefore, seems to have disappearedat an early date, and since the quotations in Antigonus, Athenaeus and others are concerned with insignificant details, they cannot give any hint as to its contents.It has often been asked whether there exists any relation between this lost treatise and the two books Περὶ φυτῶν which are incorporated into all editions of the Corpus Aristotelicum (pp. 814–830 Bk.), but the question has never received a definite answer. There are good reasons for this reticence, for though these books were identified more than a century ago as a work of Nicolaus of Damascus, the text is in such a deplorable condition that it seemed to resist every attempt at interpretation. However, since in 1841 E. H. F. Meyer published the Arabic-Latin translation made by Alfred of Sareshel (the exemplar of the clumsy Greek rendering whichwas already known), the material has considerably increased.

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak

The archaic epitaph of Lucius Cornelius Scipio (son of Barbatus), consul of 259 BC, contains the Old Latin form Tempestātēbus (in the dative), referring probably to two goddesses of weather (CIL I2 9). This theonym proves the existence in the Old Latin language of the dual formation *Tempestātē ‘two deities of weather’. The word aide, attested in the epitaph of Scipio, son of Barbatus, can be easily interpreted as a possible form of the dual number, namely *aideē (nom.-acc. du. f.) ‘a bipartite (two-sided) temple; a sacral building with two sanctuaries’. Livius Andronicus used some forms of the dual number in his Latin translation of Homer’s Odyssey, among others genū (nom.-acc. du. n.) ‘two knees’ (fr. 14), inque manū (acc. du. f.) ‘and to both hands’ (fr. 5). It is not known, however, whether the use of the dual number in Andronicus’ Odussia was consistent or optional. Naevius introduced some dual forms into the epic work of Bellum Punicum, e.g. hōc Samnītē ‘these two Samnites’ (fr. 36). It seems, however, that the poet did not do it consistently. The metrical and linguistic analysis of the preserved fragments does not give a definite answer as to whether the use of forms of the dual number was obligatory in Naevius’ work, or was the result of the free choice of the Roman poet. In some passages passed down through indirect tradition, it was easy to arrive at the secondary plurality of the old dual forms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Regnier

A promising but neglected precedent for Thomas More’s Utopia is to be found in Ibn Ṭufayl’s Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān. This twelfth-century Andalusian philosophical novel describing the self-education and enlightenment of a feral child on an island, while certainly a precedent for the European Bildungsroman, also arguably qualifies as a utopian text. It is possible that More had access to Pico de la Mirandola’s Latin translation of Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān. This study consists of a review of historical and philological evidence that More may have read Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān and a comparative reading of More’s and Ṭufayl’s two famous works. I argue that there are good reasons to see in Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān a source for More’s Utopia and that in certain respects we can read More’s Utopia as a response to Ṭufayl’s novel. L’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān d’Ibn Ṭufayl consiste en un précédent incontournable mais négligé à l’Utopie de More. Ce récit philosophique andalou du douzième siècle décrivant l’auto-formation et l’éveil d’un enfant sauvage sur une île peut être considéré comme un texte utopique, bien qu’il soit certainement un précédent pour le Bildungsroman européen. Thomas More pourrait avoir lu l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān, puisqu’il a pu avoir accès à la traduction latine qu’en a fait Pic de la Miradolle. Cette étude examine les données historiques et philologiques permettant de poser que More a probablement lu cet ouvrage, et propose une lecture comparée de l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān et de l’Utopie de More. On y avance qu’il y a non seulement de bonnes raisons de considérer l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān d’Ibn Ṭufayl comme une source de l’Utopie de More, mais qu’il est aussi possible à certains égards de lire l’Utopie comme une réponse à l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān.


2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-146
Author(s):  
L Zhang ◽  
Z Zhang ◽  
J Cao ◽  
Y Luo ◽  
Z Li

Grain maize production exceeds the demand for grain maize in China. Methods for harvesting good-quality silage maize urgently need a theoretical basis and reference data in order to ensure its benefits to farmers. However, research on silage maize is limited, and very few studies have focused on its energetic value and quality. Here, we calibrated the CERES-Maize model for 24 cultivars with 93 field experiments and then performed a long-term (1980-2017) simulation to optimize genotype-environment-management (G-E-M) interactions in the 4 main agroecological zones across China. We found that CERES-Maize could reproduce the growth and development of maize well under various management and weather conditions with a phenology bias of <5 d and biomass relative root mean square error values of <5%. The simulated results showed that sowing long-growth-cycle cultivars approximately 10 d in advance could yield good-quality silage. The optimal sowing dates (from late May to July) and harvest dates (from early October to mid-November) gradually became later from north to south. A high-energy yield was expected when sowing at an early date and/or with late-maturing cultivars. We found that Northeast China and the North China Plain were potential silage maize growing areas, although these areas experienced a medium or even high frost risk. Southwestern maize experienced a low risk level, but the low soil fertility limited the attainable yield. The results of this paper provide information for designing an optimal G×E×M strategy to ensure silage maize production in the Chinese Maize Belt.


Author(s):  
John Kerrigan

The agreed, major sources of King Lear are the anonymous history play King Leir and Sidney’s Arcadia. To these and other early modern ‘originals’ this chapter adds classical tragedies by Seneca, Euripides, and Sophocles—most conspicuously his Oedipus at Colonus, which was readily available in Latin translation. The ancient tragedies resonate with King Lear thanks to conventions of literary imitation that were well understood in the Jacobean period, but their presence is also symptomatic of a drive within the play to get back to the origins of nature, injustice, and causation. The influences of Plutarch and Montaigne are also highlighted. The portrayal of death (or the illusion of it) and the desire for death, in the play and its sources, are analysed. Focusing on the scenes at Dover Cliff and the division of the kingdom/s, this chapter moves to a new account of the complications of the play’s conclusion in both quarto and Folio texts.


Elenchos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Matthias Perkams

Abstract The paper presents the first known evidence of the so called “late ancient philosophical curriculum” ethics, physics, theology, by demonstrating that this division of philosophy can be found already in the introduction of Aspasios’s commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics. It is argued that this text can be dated roundabout 70 years earlier than the earliest reliable testimony hitherto known in Clemens Alexandrinus. Furthermore, the paper presents some neglected evidence for this curriculum from different works of Alexander of Aphrodisias. Based upon those texts and a new analysis of some already well-known passages, it proposes to regard the scheme ethics, physics, theology as an originally Aristotelian model, which has been later taken over by Platonists. This does not rule out the possibility that Platonic ideas have been influenced the scheme at a very early date.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Lukas J. Dorfbauer

In 2016 Justin Stover published an important editio princeps of a fragmentarily preserved text that was originally discovered by Raymond Klibansky in the first half of the twentieth century: a kind of Summarium librorum Platonis which Klibansky took as a Latin translation of a lost Greek original, whereas Stover argues it was written by Apuleius, namely as the third book of his De Platone. The following notes deal primarily with details pertaining to the constitution of the text, but I will start with one remark on a detail of Stover's translation and close with a discussion concerning the alleged medieval reception of the so-called ‘New Apuleius’. Chapters, pages, Latin text, apparatus criticus entries, and translations are quoted according to Stover's edition; all bold highlights are mine, as are all translations from works other than the ‘New Apuleius’ if not indicated otherwise.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arne Verbrugge ◽  
Maaike Groot ◽  
Koen Deforce ◽  
Guy De Mulder ◽  
Wouter Van der Meer ◽  
...  

Abstract Archaeological research at Aalst – Siesegemkouter revealed several pits within a Middle to Late Bronze Age settlement. Most of them hardly contained any artefacts, but one exception showed a structured stratigraphy with an abundance of finds, including a large amount of shattered pottery, charcoal and calcined animal bone. The study of this assemblage, and comparison with two other pits showing similarities, provides strong indications of a closing deposit or another type of ‘site maintenance practice’. In the Low Countries, comparable contexts generally date from the Iron Age, suggesting that the finds from Aalst – Siesegemkouter represent early forerunners of this ritual practice. On top of this early date, the large volume of cremated animal bone represents an almost unique characteristic for which, until now, parallels from the Metal Ages have hardly been found, even on a Northwestern European scale. In general, the role played by organic remains in ritual contexts from these periods and regions is poorly understood, often due to bad preservation conditions or the lack of a multidisciplinary approach.


Author(s):  
Pamulaparthi Bindu Reddy ◽  
Gurram Swetha Reddy

Background: Placenta previa refers to the presence of placental tissue that extends over the internal cervical os.  Placenta previa is linked to maternal hypovolemia, anaemia, and long hospital stay and with prematurity, low birth weight, low APGAR score in newborn. So it is very important to identify the condition at an early date to warn the condition thereby reducing the maternal and foetal morbidity and mortality. The present study was aimed to estimate the prevalence of PP, its associated predisposing risk factors and maternal morbidity, mortality and the perinatal outcome.Methods: A prospective observational study for two years was conducted at a tertiary care hospital. Pregnant mothers with >28 weeks of age with H/o ante partum haemorrhage were screened for placenta previa, confirmed by ultra sonography and included in the study. Clinical history, obstetric examination was done and followed up till the delivery. Maternal and foetal outcomes were recorded. Data analyzed by using SPSS version 20.Results: 1.4% incidence of PP was noted, mean age of group was 29.17±1.6 years. Age group of 21-30 years, multiparity Gravida 2-4, previous history of caesarean section and less number of ante natal checkups were significant risk factors and LSCS was most common outcome. Prematurity, low birth weight and APGAR <7 score for 1 minute was common foetal outcomes.Conclusions: Our study strongly suggests foetal surveillance programmes in cases of placenta previa. Measures should be made to bring awareness about PP, in urban slums and to increase medical checkups regularly. Making USG mandatory during every ANC and referral of cases of PP to tertiary care centres would definitely reduce the chances of morbidity and mortality.


Arts ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Carles Sánchez Márquez

Since the late 19th century the wall paintings of Sant Miquel in Terrassa have drawn attention due to their singularity. From the early studies of Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867–1956) to the present, both the iconographic program and the chronology of the paintings have fueled controversy among scholars. In particular, chronological estimates range from the time of Early Christian Art to the Carolingian period. However, a recent technical study of the paintings seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century. This new data allows us to reassess the question in other terms and explore a new possible context for the paintings. First, it is very likely that the choice of iconographic topics was related to the debates on the Arian heresy that took place in Visigothic Spain during the 5th and 6th centuries. Secondly, the paintings of Sant Miquel should be reconsidered as a possible reception of a larger 6th-century pictorial tradition linked to the Eastern Mediterranean, which is used in a very particular way. However, thus far we ignore which were the means for this artistic transmission as well as the reasons which led the “doers” of Terrassa to select such a peculiar and unique repertoire of topics, motifs, and inscriptions. My paper addresses all these questions in order to propose a new Mediterranean framework for the making of this singular set of paintings.


Nuncius ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-287
Author(s):  
Eleanor Chan

The assumption that the Cartesian bête-machine is the invention of René Descartes (1596–1650) is rarely contested. Close examination of Descartes’ texts proves that this is a concept founded not on the basis of his own writings, but a subsequent critical interpretation, which developed and began to dominate his work after his death. Descartes’ Treatise on Man, published posthumously in two rival editions, Florentius Schuyl’s Latin translation De Homine (1662), and Claude Clerselier’s Traité de l’ homme, has proved particularly problematic. The surviving manuscript copies of the Treatise on Man left no illustrations, leaving both editors the daunting task of producing a set of images to accompany and clarify the fragmented text. In this intriguing case, the images can be seen to have spoken louder than the text which they illustrated. This paper assesses Schuyl’s choice to represent Descartes’ Man in a highly stylized manner, without superimposing Clerselier’s intentions onto De Homine.


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