Narratives of Race, Constructions of Community, and the Demand for Female Participation in German-Nationalist Movements in Austria and the German Reich

2017 ◽  
pp. 154-173
Author(s):  
Johanna Gehmacher
2016 ◽  
pp. 91-118
Author(s):  
Peter Black

The Sonderdienst (Special Service) was an enforcement agency developed by German SS and Police authorities, specifically in the Lublin District of the so called Government General (central and southeastern German-occupied Poland) to assist in enforcing German occupation ordinances in the cities and particularly in the countryside, where lack of police personnel, ignorance of local conditions, and perceived fear of partisan attack discouraged a direct German police presence. After February 1941, the SS and Police relinquished control over the Sonderdienst to the German civilian occupation authorities. Under civilian authority, the Sonderdienst was deployed at the Kreis level, under command of the so-called German Stadt- and Kreishauptmänner in detachments of approximately 30 men to carry out administrative enforcement activities when the civilian authorities were unable to count or SS and police support. This article examines how the Sonderdienst highlights the dependence of German administration in the Government General on locally recruited auxiliaries, particularly in the countryside. The Sonderdienst was conceived, developed, expanded, and deployed within the context of a bitter battle between German civilian authorities and the SS/police apparatus over control of local executive police power. This is hardly new; yet the Government General is unusual in that the German civilian authorities were able to fight the SS to a draw on this issue. Since its formation followed the recruitment of the “ethnic” and ideological “cream” of the ethnic German population of occupied Poland into agencies such as the Selbstschutz, and the Waffen SS, the Sonderdienst represents an early effort of the National Socialist authorities to fashion an ethnically conscious and ideologically committed corps from young men of questionable, even dubious, German ancestry and heritage. Finally, this study reveals not only the complicity of the civilian authorities in Nazi crimes, but the link in German-occupied Poland between “routine” administrative duties, such as collecting fines for ordinance violations, and the brutal persecution and annihilation of groups targeted as enemies of the German Reich, such as the Polish Jews. Civilian administrators and SS and police authorities shared the “National Socialist consensus” in occupied Poland. They wanted to annihilate the Jews and the Polish intelligentsia, to exploit the labor potential of the Polish masses, and to turn the Government General into a region of German settlement. As a part of this vision, the Sonderdienst was to serve not only as a police executive, but as a political and cultural steppingstone to full acceptance into the German “racial community.” There is no question that, even in “routine” duties, the Sonderdienst participated, more or less willingly, in the implementation of the most evil racist policies of the National Socialist regime.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Dixon

Historically, there has been a lack of a clear French vision of the multinational nature of the United Kingdom. A gradual shift towards a clearer understanding has been demonstrated by a well-informed and even-handed presentation of the referendum debate in the French media. This article examines the presentation of that debate, as well as Scotland's increasing familiarity in France's cultural imagination. In politics there has been neither much enthusiasm nor overt hostility to the referendum, although a lingering suspicion of nationalist movements, wherever they might be, means that many French are surprised to discover the broadly social-democratic, pro-European and ‘civic’ nature of Scotland's nationalism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-146
Author(s):  
Andrzej Adamczyk

One of the most important legal problems discussed in the 19th century by German lawyers was that of state liability due to damages resulting from illegal acts of its officials. An influential forum of exchange of ideas was the German Association of German Jurists which organized all-German congresses to solve legal questions in order to promote German unity. Although the problem of state responsibility was discussed at some of the Association congresses in the 19th century, the most interesting was that held in Kiel in 1905. It was due to the fact that many German states had at that time legal regulations concerning state liability, but they were quite different. That generated many complications, making realization of a legal unity within the German Reich difficult. Two proposals for solving this situation were presented at the Congress in Kiel by Otto von Gierke and Rudolf von Herrnritt. Their ideas constituted bases for the discussion which followed. The paper presents the discussion on the state liability, which took place at the Congress in Kiel.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (02) ◽  
pp. 39-53

During 1963 and 1964 the Africana Newsletter published regularly surveys of ephemeral material (party pamphlets, rare newspapers, constitutions, reports of congresses, trade-union literature, hard-to-find government documents) on Portuguese African nationalist movements, the Camerouns, Nigeria, and the Congo. This material was then filmed and deposited in the Center for Research Libraries (formerly the Mid-West Inter-Library Center), Chicago, Illinois, for use by members of the Cooperative African Microfilm Project (CAMP). The Editors of the African Studies Bulletin would like to continue this program of locating, listing, and collating rare African ephemeral materials. Please send inventories of your collection to the Editors. The original plea by Immanuel Wallerstein to cooperate in this program is reprinted from the Africana Newsletter: All of us when we go to Africa acquire, sometimes systematically, more often haphazardly, mimeographed and printed documents which we store, often unused, hopefully to be used in the future. Scattered issues of journals, when added together, can make nearly complete collections. I have certainly collected many odd items which are of little immediate use to me but which might be invaluable to someone doing particular pieces of research. I would hope that photostats of all these items could be collected in a central place and thus be available to all scholars.


Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492110070
Author(s):  
Kathryn Shine

Numerous quantitative studies from around the world have found that women are under-represented as sources in news content. This study aims to add to the existing quantitative research by describing female experts’ attitudes about being interviewed as news sources, and their experiences of interacting with journalists. It reports the findings of semi-structured interviews with 30 Australian female academic experts from a broad range of disciplines. Almost all of the women experts in the group were willing to be interviewed by a journalist, and reported that their experiences with the news media had generally been positive. However, they referred to various factors that may act as deterrents. These included a lack of confidence, a reluctance to appear on camera, time constraints and a lack of understanding about how the news media operates. This research provides valuable insights for journalists and editors, and outlines recommendations about how to encourage female participation in the news.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 230-240
Author(s):  
Sara Salem

AbstractThis article is a review of Ilham Khuri-Makdisi’s bookThe Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Capitalism, 1860–1914. I argue that this book is a valuable contribution to historiographies of the Left in the Middle East, a field that remains under-represented given the importance of labour to the nationalist movements as well as broader worker-activism in the region throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. I review the main debates of the book, and raise critical questions about aspects that could have been probed further, among them the questions of imperialism and race in contexts such as Egypt and Lebanon, and the relationship(s) between workers and the radical intellectuals discussed throughout the book.


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