scholarly journals Minister of Confessions A.V. Kartashev and confessional policy of the Provisional Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 843-885
Author(s):  
Andrey N. Egorov
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Local Council ◽  
Short Period ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Church

The article considers the views of A. Kartashev, an outstanding theologian, Minister of Confessions of the Provisional Government, on relationship between church and state in Russia and the measures he proposed in order to reform them. What Kartashev advocated was not the complete separation of church and state, but rather such a “growing distance” between them which would give the Russian Orthodox Church independence and would allow the state to be secular rather than unilaterally confessional. During the short period when the Ministry of Religious Confessions was working, Anton Kartashev tried to be less involved into church administration, defended the interests of the religious department in the government, and supported a number of proposals from the Local Council. Kartashev began to implement the legal registration of the multi-confessional state system and consistently defended the interests of the Orthodox Church in other ministries and government departments. He gradually moved away from the doctrinal guidelines of the Provisional Government on the separation of church and state and became inclined to strengthen the influence of the church in the life of society, seeing its activities as a guarantee of the spiritual salvation of Russia. This approach did not coincide with the ideas about the role of the church in the life of society which had developed in liberal and socialist circles of that time and led to a discrepancy between the declarations of the Provisional Government and the activities it carried out in the church sphere. The article considers the reasons why Kartashev was able to pursue his line of confessional policy. The most important of these reasons was that neither the Provisional Government nor the Constitutional Democratic Party or the Socialist Revolutionary Party considered the problems of church-state relations a priority. They treated such problems in the context of general problems of the democratic transformation of Russia and attributed the right to solve them to the Constituent Assembly. It is emphasized that in the tense atmosphere of 1917 neither the Provisional Government nor the Russian Orthodox Church wanted to conflict with each other. In this situation, the compromise policy of Anton Kartashev suited both sides and softened the negative attitude of the church circles towards the activities of the Provisional Government.

The Nizhny Novgorod Diocese During the Campaign for Aseizure of Churches’ Values in 1921-1922

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-87
Author(s):  
A. A. Gorina
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
Lay Members ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

This paper as illustrated by Nizhny Novgorod province in the first half of the twenties of the XX century presents one of the most tragic pages of the relationship between church and state. The purpose of the Soviet government, which declared the creation of the first-ever atheistic state, was a complete elimination of church and religion as cultural, social and world outlook phenomenon. Hunger in 1921-1922 was an initial stage and constituted a ground for all further hardline policy of the Soviet state in its stance toward a church. In consequence of which a huge number of different objects of our Motherland’s historical and cultural heritage were done away with, also during repressions, a large number of believers and priests died. Many years in the Soviet historiography, there was a dominant statement that the Russian Orthodox Church opposed transferring the church values, which was intended for the relief aid. All actions of the church and appeals of the Patriarch Tikhon were subjected to obfuscation. A wide variety of sources, which earlier were strictly confidential, and nowadays they become available for researchers, allow objectively analyzing the charity of Russian Orthodox Church for the relief aid in 1921-1922. On the basis of regional archive documents, which contain statistical data, clergies and lay members records of meetings. The article provides more insight on through the campaign for a seizure of churches’ values in the Nizhny Novgorod province, also outlines the quantity of the seizure values: how many from them went for the relief aid. The clergies and lay members’ records of meetings of the Nizhny Novgorod province make it clear that their desire for relief aid was the optional choice. Printed copies have allowed to establish specific aspects of the campaign for a seizure of a church property, to fully consider the process of transition from the donation of values for the relief aid before the forced seizure of churches’ values in the region, and also to determine a problem of the collaboration of the government and the Nizhny Novgorod Diocese.

scholarly journals SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION FORMS OF CHURCH AND STATE ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 60-64
Author(s):  
Evguenia Alexandrovna Belyaeva ◽  
Elena Aleksandrovna Venidiktova ◽  
Dilbar Valievna Shamsutdinova
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Cultural Interaction ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Teachers And Students ◽  
The Church

Purpose: the aim of the undertaken study is to consider the dynamics of the church-state relationship in the context of Russian new cultural tendencies at the turn of the century. Methodology: Thus, The methodological basis of the research was formed by philosophical analysis of the church-state relationship, historicism and comparison principles. The following tasks were being solved: defining the interaction ways between the religious organizations and the state on the modern stage of the Russian society development; pointing out the prospects of consolidation of both the сhurch and the state around the democratic civil society fostering program in XXI century; revealing the need to promote respectful attitude towards human values as an integral part of spiritual culture. Result: The authors achieved the following results within the study: A wider notions of church and state were introduced demonstrating the similarity of some of their functions: offering moral guidance for social well-being; historic doctrinal models “caesaropapism”, “papocaesarism” and “symphony(concordance) of powers” were identified and characterized alongside with their secular counterparts - separation and cooperation models of church-state relationship. In conclusion of the article the urgent need for the transition of church-state relationship from political to social and cultural spheres was justified. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Socio-Cultural Interaction Forms of Church and State on the Example of the Russian Orthodox Church is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.

scholarly journals Protocol of the Penza Diocesan Congress of the Clergy and Laity

2020 ◽  
pp. 149-180
Author(s):  
Радомир (Роман) Владимирович Булдаков
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Tendency ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Church Organization ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Local Council ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Church

В настоящей публикации представлен ранее нигде не публиковавшийся Протокол Пензенского епархиального съезда духовенства и мирян, который проходил с 25 апреля по 1 мая 1917 г. Он отражает общее настроение рядового духовенства и мирян Русской Православной Церкви начала XX в. на примере конкретной епархии. Пензенский Съезд проходил одновременно с аналогичными Съездами многих других епархиальных центров, чьи постановления получили своё развитие на Всероссийском Съезде духовенства и мирян в Москве и далее на Поместном Соборе Православной Российской Церкви 1917- 1918 гг. Вопросы, рассматриваемые участниками Пензенского Съезда, касались как общецерковных проблем, так и внутренних дел самой епархии; часть постановлений вошла в состав решений Поместного Собора. Количество вопросов, поднятых на Съезде, превышает два десятка и относится к самым разным сферам церковно-государственных и церковно-общественных отношений, а также к внутренним преобразованиям самой Церкви, одновременно олицетворяя общую тенденцию к Её обновлению и являясь следствием этих перемен. Но среди них важнейшими, по мнению делегатов Съезда, считались вопросы об отношении к происходящим в стране политическим событиям и о поэтапной реформе церковной организации, начиная с прихода и заканчивая уровнем Поместной Российской Церкви. This publication presents the previously unpublished Protocol of the Penza Diocesan Congress of the Clergy and Laity, which took place from April 25 to May 1, 1917. It reflects the general mood of ordinary clergy and laity of the Russian Orthodox Church at the beginning of the 20th century by the example of a specific diocese. The Penza Congress was held simultaneously with similar Congresses of many other diocesan centers, whose resolutions were developed at the AllRussian Congress of Clergy and Laity in Moscow and further at the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1917-1918. The issues considered by the participants of the Penza Congress concerned both general church problems and the internal affairs of the diocese itself; some of the decisions were included in the decisions of the Local Council. The number of issues raised at the Congress exceeds two dozen and relates to the most diverse spheres of church-state and church-social relations, as well as to the internal transformations of the Church itself, at the same time embodying the general tendency towards Her renewal and being a consequence of these changes. But among them the most important, in the opinion of the Congress delegates, were the questions about the attitude to the political events taking place in the country and about the gradual reform of church organization, from the parish level to the level of the Local Russian Church.

scholarly journals Preparations for 1917–18 Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church in Kostroma eparchy

2019 ◽  
pp. 44-48
Author(s):  
Dmitriy V. Kashin (Therapont)
Keyword(s):  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Local Council ◽  
The Church

The article deals with the events of the summer of 1917 related to the elections of members of the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church from Kostroma eparchy. Information is given about the election procedures stipulated by "Regulations on Convening the Local Council of All Russia Orthodox Church" on three levels – parish, deanery and diocesan. Basing on publications of the church press, the course of the diocesan electoral meeting in August 1917 is reconstructed: the preliminary meeting of the participants and making the list of candidates (August 8), elections of members of the Local Council and their deputies (August 9). We inform about the number of votes cast for certain candidates and the constructive and democratic nature of the electoral process. The author emphasises that negative reviews do not reflect the actual circumstances and can be explained by subjective factors. A list of members of the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church (1917-1918) from Kostroma eparchy is given.

Mission Delayed: The Russian Orthodox Church after the Conquest of Kazan'

2007 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-540
Author(s):  
Matthew P. Romaniello
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Active Period ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Church

Muscovy's active period of eastward expansion began with the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan’ in 1552. By the seventeenth century, one observer claimed that the conquest of Kazan’ was the event that made Ivan IV a tsar and Muscovy an empire. With this victory, the tsar claimed new lands, adding to his subjects the diverse animistic and Muslim population of Turkic Tatars and Chuvashes, and Finno-Ugric Maris, Mordvins, and Udmurts. The conquest of Kazan’ provided both the Metropolitan of Moscow and Ivan IV (the Terrible) an opportunity to transform the image of Muscovy into that of a victorious Orthodox power and to justify the title of its Grand Prince as a new caesar (tsar). Since the conquest was the first Orthodox victory against Islam since the fall of Constantinople, commemorations of it were immediate, including the construction of the Church of the Intercession by the Moat (St. Basil's) on Red Square.The incorporation of the lands and peoples of Kazan’ has served traditionally to date the establishment of the Russian Empire. Accounts of the conquest have emphasized the victory of Orthodoxy against Islam, with the Russian Orthodox Church and its Metropolitan as the motive force behind this expansion. The conversion of the Muslims and animists of the region is portrayed frequently as automatic, facing little resistance. More recently, scholars have criticized this simplistic account of the conquest by discussing the conversion mission as a rhetorical construct and have placed increasing emphasis on the local non-Russian and non-Orthodox resistance to the interests of the Church and state.

Russian Orthodox concordat? Church and state under Medvedev

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 667-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina Papkova
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Church

The literature on church-state relations in post-Soviet Russia has been slowly but steadily expanding over the past two decades. The period since 2008, however, remains underdeveloped, as existing analysis has focused on specific issues rather than attempting an overview of the larger trends since the above-mentioned changes in the leadership of both institutions. Seeking to address this gap, this article explores the implications of the nearly coincidental changeovers in leadership in the Moscow Patriarchate and the secular state for church-state relations in Russia, both near and long-term. The first part of the article sets up the context for understanding the new church-state dynamic, by discussing in some detail the state of the relationship under Patriarch Aleksii II. The conclusions are that, under Aleksii tenure, the church could be considered a relatively weak institution, as it was unable for the most part to strengthen its position in Russia through legislative means. The second part focuses on the process whereby the new patriarch came to be elected in 2009, intending thereby to shed some light on Kirill I's leadership style and political agenda. The third part discusses concrete changes in the church-state relationship that have occurred on the federal level since 2008. The final section proposes some conclusions regarding the importance of the Russian Orthodox Church as a political actor in the contemporary Russian Federation, suggesting that despite the recent gains in the church's political fortunes, the ROC's position in society and particularly vis-à-vis the government remains vulnerable in key respects.

scholarly journals Patriarch Kirill and Ukraine

2013 ◽  
pp. 181-186
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi
Keyword(s):  
Modern Technology ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Second Person ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Local Council ◽  
The Church

Without some special sensations in Moscow, the Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church elected some three years ago Metropolitan Kirill of Smolensk and Kaliningrad. Of the 702 delegates of the Local Council, 508 voted for him, and the entire Ukrainian delegation, which was about 27% of the voters, was considered by him. Contributed to the coming to power in the Church of this, as it is called in Moscow, "ecclesiastical tobacco-vodka billionaire" acquired authority as a second person of the ROC, support of Russian power and controversy in the camp of opponents. In the days of Patriarchal localization, Cyril managed to propyate himself in various forms and at different ends of the Moscow Church, to use television and radio for this purpose. The election campaign was conducted according to all the rules of modern technology.

scholarly journals Problems of Misionarity in the Works and Decisions of the Local Council of 1917-1918

2020 ◽  
pp. 226-242
Author(s):  
Сергей Александрович Пименов
Keyword(s):  
Past Century ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Detailed Consideration ◽  
Local Council ◽  
Church Mission ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Church

Поместный Собор 1917-1918 гг., имеет для истории Русской Православной Церкви огромное значение, т. к. несмотря на прошедший век, отделяющий нас от событий той эпохи, его роль не до конца осмыслена и оценена. Его наследие нуждается в серьезном и вдумчивом исследовании, а многие из идей, высказанных тогда, были бы полезны и востребованы сегодня. Одна из основных проблем, которая была поставлена на повестке заседания Поместного собора 1917-1918 гг. - это Миссионерская деятельность Церкви. Начиная с XVIII в. этот вопрос стаял в России краеугольным камнем, т. к. в церковной миссии ощущался явный упадок. Это было связано, прежде всего, с тем, что Церковная миссия не имела централизованной организации, с помощью которой бы данная деятельность носила бы не эпизодический, а регулярный характер. Целью данной статьи является подробное рассмотрение миссионерской проблематики в работах и решениях Поместного Собора 1917-1918 гг. В ходе исследования автор выделяет проблемы Православной Миссии в России в нач. XX в., проводит анализ основных документов и постановлений Собора, относящихся к данной тематике, и ставит вопрос об их жизнеспособности на сегодняшний день. The local Council of 1917-1918 is of great importance for the history of the Russian Orthodox Church. Despite the past century separating us from the events of that era, its role is not fully understood and appreciated. His legacy needs serious and thoughtful research, and many of the ideas expressed then would be useful today. One of the main problems that was put on the agenda of the meeting of the local Council of 1917-1918 is the Missionary activity of the Church. Since the XVIII century this question had bacame the cornerstone in Russia because the Church’s mission became noticeable decline. This was due to, first of all, the fact that the Church mission did not have a centralized organization, with the help of which this activity would be not episodic, but regular. The aim of this article is a detailed consideration of missionary issues in the works and decisions of the local Council of 1917-1918. In the course of the study, the author highlights the problems of the Orthodox Mission in Russia in the early XX century, analyzes the main documents and resolutions of the Council relating to this topic, and raises the question of their viability today.

VAN PROKHANOV’S CRITICISM OF THE MOSCOW CAESAROPAPISM

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-129
Author(s):  
N. Maryukhno ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Theology ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Spiritual Freedom ◽  
The Church

The article examines the socio-political theology of Ivan Prokhanov as a prominent Russian religious and social figure of the early twentieth century, chairman of the All-Russian Union of Evangelical Christians. His critique of the сaesaropapism as structure in the Russian state-church relations of the imperial period is studied. It is proved that Ivan Prokhanov sharply denounced the negative manifestations of caesaropapism, and above all the resistance of the Russian Orthodox Church to constructive reform in accordance with Christian evangelical values. The positions on the church-religious life of the evangelical theologian Ivan Prokhanov and the Ober-Procurator of the Holy Synod Konstantin Pobedonostsev, the leader of the reactionary resistance to any changes, the ideologue of the counter-reforms Alexander III, were compared. In his sharp critique of caesaropapism, he relied on the Christian doctrine of man and society, believing that the legal precondition for overcoming its negative consequences was the separation of church and state, and the need for evangelical awakening of the Russian Orthodox people to gain spiritual freedom.

scholarly journals Question of the Composition of the Local Council in the 1906 Predsobornoe Prisutstvie

2021 ◽  
pp. 144-155
Author(s):  
Владислав Иванович Пшибышевский
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Controversial Issue ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Local Council ◽  
The Church

Целью исследования является анализ дискуссий первого предсоборного органа - Предсоборного Присутствия 1906 г. по вопросу о составе Поместного Собора, состоявшегося в 1917/18 гг. Этот вопрос был одним из главных в ходе дискуссий о желательных преобразованиях в жизни Церкви. Естественно, что участниками Всероссийского Священного Собора должны были стать лучшие представители всех уровней. Решения по столь неоднозначному вопросу были приняты не вдруг. Данное исследование привело к выводу, что участники Присутствия разошлись между собой при обсуждении состава Собора: одним он представлялся чисто епископским, а решения его следовало просто сообщить всей Церкви; другие же, которых в исследуемое время было большинство, писали о том, что такое величественное событие, как Поместный Собор Российской Православной Церкви, должно представлять все уровни общества, дабы принятые на нём решения не были односторонними и затрагивали все проблемные стороны жизни Церкви. Итоги работы Присутствия подвигли Святейший Синод официально, за подписью императора опубликовать расширенное и дополненное Положение о составе Собора. Оно было отредактировано Предсоборным Советом в 1917 г. но в своей основе явилось основополагающим для формулировок Положения 1917 г., регламентирующего созыв и деятельность Поместного Собора 1917/18 гг. The article is devoted to a subject that is still full of secrets and unexpected facts. The problem of the composition of the expected Local Council was one of the main ones at the beginning of the 20th century in discussions about desirable reform in the life of the Church, the apogee of which was to be the All-Russian Holy Council. Naturally, the participants of the proposed Council were to be the best representatives of all levels. The decision on such a controversial issue was not taken suddenly. The purpose of the study is to analyze the discussions of the first pre-conciliar - Predsobornoe Prisutstvie of 1906 on the composition of the long-awaited Local Council. This study led to the conclusion that the participants of the Prisutstviya differed during the discussion of the composition of the Cathedral, for some it was presented as purely episcopal, the decisions of such a Council should only be communicated to the entire Church. Others, who were in the majority at the time under study, wrote about what a majestic event like the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church must represent all levels of society, so that the decisions taken there, are not one-sided and would address all the troubled aspects of the Church’s life. The results of the Prisutstviya work inspired the Holy Synod, with the Emperor’s signature, to publish an expanded and amended Statute on the composition of the Council, which will be edited by the Pre-Conciliar Council in 1917, but in its basis will be fundamental for the wording of the Regulation of 1917, regulating the convening and activity of the Local Council hundred years ago.

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