scholarly journals Integration Projects of Russia and EAEU: Chance for Extension Export?

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 156-175
Author(s):  
V. P. Obolenskiy

The article deals with the possibilities of improving the access of Russian goods to foreign markets through regional trade agreements. Participation in such agreements has acquired mass character in the current century, within their framework about two thirds of transboundary commodity flows are already moving. The main peculiarity of regionalism development in this century is the pro‑integration character of the concluded agreements, which are not limited to agreements on free trade zones of goods, but cover a wide range of issues of trade in services, investment cooperation, competition, environment, labor standards, i.e. they envisage a movement towards greater institutional homogeneity of economies. Until recently, Russia was limited to the tasks of preserving and developing economic ties in the post‑Soviet space, and only after the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union did it start showing interest in signing free trade agreements with non-CIS countries. To date, the EAEU has concluded free trade agreements with a number of countries and is negotiating a FTA with several more countries. The EAEU integration policy has not yet brought any noticeable results in terms of a significant reduction of tariff barriers into total foreign markets: the current and planned integration projects will allow Russia to enjoy tariff preferences on less than one tenth of the global market. Possible new union agreements on preferential trade with ASEAN countries can only help Russia to expand its scope, while the creation of liberal economic partnerships such as WTO plus is not on the Russian integration agenda. Nor is there any intention to promote the idea of a FTA with Russia’s largest trade partners – the EU and China – in the EAEU. The conclusion is made that it is vital for Russia to address the problem of increasing the competitiveness of manufacturing industries, without which further facilitation of access to foreign markets through free trade agreements may not be possible.

Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 908-928 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teofilo C. Daquila ◽  
Le Huu Huy

Abstract Given the slow pace of global and regional trade liberalization initiatives, Singapore has forged free trade agreements for economic and strategic reasons. Other ASEAN countries and ASEAN itself have also become interested in establishing FTAs with countries outside the grouping. In the future, ASEAN could form an ASEAN or an East Asian Economic Community.


2004 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Jose L. Tongzon

The World Trade Organization (WTO) (formerly GATT) was established primarily to achieve free trade across the globe based on the principle of non-discrimination and the process of multilateral trade negotiations. The fact that most countries are members of WTO reflects the worldwide belief in the benefits of a global free trade. Despite its achievements since the first round of multilateral trade negotiations was held, the effectiveness of the process has been called into question. Most WTO members are now proposing new regional trading arrangements (RTAs), such as free trade agreements (FTAs). What implication does these RTAs have for the WTO and ASEAN countries? Should ASEAN countries give regionalism priority over the WTO-based multilateral approach? To answer this questions, this paper will first summarize the motivations behind the formation of RTAs before presenting the merits and demerits of RTAs as an approach to achieve universal free trade and maximize developing countries' welfare. It is argued that despite its inherent limitations it is important for ASEAN countries to remain primarily committed to the principles of WTO and the process of multilateral trade negotiations.


Subject Developments in the Japanese shipping industry and the international shipping market. Significance Three of Japan’s largest shipping lines -- Nippon Yusen Kaisha, Mitsui OSK and Kawasaki Kisen Kaisha -- plan to consolidate their operations in July 2017 to save an estimated 1 billion dollars per year. The three lines combined will control an estimated 7% of the global market, and expand their share of the increasingly critical trans-Pacific market, which has realigned significantly in response to the bankruptcy of South Korean shipping firm Hanjin in August. Impacts This major consolidation may prompt other carriers in other states to follow suit. Powerful new opposition to free trade agreements in major economies will lead to previously unexpected trade contractions. Retail prices for goods imported from East Asia will likely rise.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (S1) ◽  
pp. S85-S98 ◽  
Author(s):  
EVAN Y. KIM

AbstractThe e-commerce chapters in South Korea's Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) cover a wide range of issues, ranging from non-discrimination to electronic signatures. Across the agreements, the country's provisions on consumer protection, paperless trading, and data protection are uniquely consistent, while those on other issues are not. With the aid of a framework (Framer v. Follower) that captures the dynamics of bilateral negotiations, this paper argues that in Korea's case, the more consistent a particular set of provisions is portfolio-wide, the more likely it was for Korea to have prioritized the relevant issue and actively pushed its preferred terms in the FTAs.


Author(s):  
Mohamed A. Gadalla

With growing tendency towards globalization and the number of free trade agreements, we are approaching not only a global market but also a manufacturing era that has no boundaries. This is accomplished through off-shoring and outsourcing. Manufacturing companions and particularly Small to Medium size Enterprise (SME’s) are facing a very tough and fierce competition. This article is intended to provide a roadmap for manufacturing companies to help them survive and excel.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-114
Author(s):  
Hieu Le Ho Trung ◽  
Jennifer B. Verances ◽  
Hung Tran Van

Abstract For a long time, corruption has been a shrilling concern for ASEAN member states for the reason of being one of the primary causes restricting the integration of these nations into international trade and efforts at globalization. In fact, over the last few years, ASEAN has undertaken a myriad of policies and improved the regional legal framework to combat corruption such as the signing of UNCAC and new free trade agreements and the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community. Notwithstanding this, according to the statistics of global organizations, the levels of anti-corruption in ASEAN countries, except Singapore and Brunei, are relatively low. This mainly derives from the fact that the national legal framework in each of the member states has not satisfied fully when the political regime lacks democracy, governmental authority is insufficiently impartial and the awareness of citizens about corruption is still moderate. Simultaneously, the international agreements to which ASEAN member states signed are only the model for domestic enforcement mechanisms, and seem to be silent on international enforcement of anti-corruption. To date, the WTO is known as a global agency for international business, to which all ASEAN countries have acceded. Under the WTO, there is no official mechanism for enforcement of anti-corruption; nevertheless, this organization acknowledges, encourages and states indirectly this issue via transparency, accountability or governance in their agreements (Government Procurement Agreement and Trade Facilitation Agreement). Under the Doha negotiation round, WTO member states failed to gain consensus to dismantle tariffs, resulting in the emergence of a myriad of bilateral and regional trade agreements out of the scope of the WTO. These have gradually developed to be so-called new-generation free trade agreements in the hope of mitigating the traditional trade barriers as well as lessening non-tariff ones, such as governance and transparency. The recent development of new-generation FTAs between ASEAN and/or ASEAN member(s) and the external trading partners that pay high attention to anti-corruption issues, i.e., EU, Australia, Canada, Japan, US, may create a promising forum for anti-corruption enforcement of ASEAN in international business in the future. This article will elaborate on all aforementioned issues before a reasonable conclusion is delivered.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 532-549
Author(s):  
Hoang Ha Hai

This article analyses the positions of ASEAN countries on provisions of environmental and social sustainability included in the EU free trade agreements (FTA). In the EU’s new generation FTAs with ASEAN countries, there has been a notable and systematic EU approach of linking international labour conventions and multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in its trade agreements, which reflects its ambition to play a significant role in ‘harnessing globalization’. However, during trade negotiations, contradictory positions between two sides originate from their different political, socio-economic and cultural backgrounds. When considering the developing countries’ objections to the issue from an ASEAN perspective, three main decisive points can be identified: the exclusive reliance on economic cost-related arguments, different perceptions of the trade-labour/environment nexus, and political and cultural-relativist arguments. Practical findings show that the EU faces resistance to this linkage from the ASEAN countries, which weakens its ability to promote universal social norms through trade.


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