The “Conservative Sex”

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle M. Nickerson
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Women Activists ◽  
Natural Source ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
National Organization ◽  
John Birch Society ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Right ◽  
Conservative Women

This chapter studies women's influence on conservatism as it entered the movement phase in the early 1960s. Even as they denounced the mass politics they feared, conservatives came to recognize the necessity of stimulating a popular consciousness on the right to thwart momentum growing on the left, especially among youths. The anticommunist crusade that had been building among activists over the 1950s became a natural source from which to draw the necessary vigor to generate a movement, which leaders explicitly recognized. Women activists, already a central part of this crusade, became an essential part of the coalescing conservative movement. They formed chapters of the John Birch Society, a national organization that self-consciously sought to replicate leftist tactics to thwart “communism,” which it conflated with all liberal movements. Women opened “patriotic” bookstores in their neighborhoods that featured their favorite conservative authors. The chapter ends with the presidential election of 1964, when the campaign of Barry Goldwater, which incorporated conservative women in new ways, came to be known as a movement.

Women, Gender, and Conservatism in Twentieth-Century America

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Nickerson
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Progressive Era ◽  
Culture War ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
The Family ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Conservative Women ◽  
Twentieth Century America

Women have participated in conservative movement politics throughout the twentieth century. From opposition mounted against Progressive-era health and welfare legislation to protests against Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal to culture war battles with feminists, conservative women have never completely ceded the right side of the political spectrum to men. Essentialist notions of what is “natural” to women, their bodies, and their connection to children and the family, have been the basis of conservative female politics throughout the twentieth century and beyond. Women on the right have drawn from a corpus of beliefs, ideals, and assumptions passed down from generations of political forbears about the natural conservatism of women—an intuitive drive to protect the young and bring calm to the space around them. This chapter examines the impact of that ideology, in its various iterations, over the course of the twentieth century.

Reclaiming Children for the Nation: Germanization, National Ascription, and Democracy in the Bohemian Lands, 1990–1945

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tara Zahra
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
School Enrollment ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Parental Rights ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
German School ◽  
National Significance ◽  
The Right

InSeptember of 1899 the Czech National Social Party issued a stern warning to parents in Prague as the school enrollment season approached: “Czech parents! Remember that your children are not only your own property, but also the property of the nation. They are the property of all of society and that society has the right to control your conduct!” Czech and German nationalists in the Bohemian lands were hardly alone in claiming that children comprised a precious form of “national property” (nationaler Besitz, národanímajetek) at the turn of the century. In an age of mass politics and nationalist demography, nationalists across Europe obsessed about the quantity and quality of the nation's children. They were, however, unique in their ability to transform this polemical claim into a legal reality. Between 1900–1945, German and Czech nationalist social workers and educational activists in the Bohemian lands attempted to create a political culture in which children belonged to national communities, and in which the nation's rights to educate children often trumped parental rights. In 1905, nationalists gained the legal right to “reclaim” children from the schools of the national enemy in Moravia, a right which they retained until 1938. By the time Ota Filip's father dragged him to the German school in Slezská Ostrava/Schlesisch Ostrau, children had become one of the most precious stakes in the nationalist battle, and a parent's choice of a German or Czech school had become a matter of unprecedented personal, political, moral, and national significance.

scholarly journals Kriteria Calon Pemimpin Negara dan Mekanisme Pencalonannya di Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Pandangan Fiqih Siyasah

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tofa Fidyansyah ◽  
Siti Ngainnur Rohmah
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
Major Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
Direct Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
Laws And Regulations

Leadership has a major influence on the political and state life of a nation. A leader will also determine the progress and retreat of a country. This paper provides an understanding of the criteria for candidate state leaders whose mechanisms have been determined in the laws and regulations of the Republic of Indonesia and the criteria for candidate state leaders in the view of fiqh siyasah. This study uses a qualitative method with a literature approach. The data in this study were obtained from binding legal materials consisting of legislation, court decisions, legal theory, books, scientific writings and legal journals. The results of this study state that the criteria for candidates for state leaders in the Republic of Indonesia as stated in the laws and regulations have several similarities with the criteria for candidate leaders according to Fiqih Siyasah, the presidential election of the Republic of Indonesia in the period before 2009 was carried out with the concept of Bay'at Ahl al-Hall wa al-'Aqd, the presidential election is carried out in the deliberations of the people's representatives who are in the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), appointed by the assembly, and when the term of office ends, an accountability report will be asked to the assembly that appointed it. The presidential election of the Republic of Indonesia, in the period after 2009 was carried out by way of direct elections through elections, all levels of society who have the right to vote can make their choice directly, no longer through representatives by people's representatives. But the weakness is that the elected president is not asked to report an accountability report at the end of his term of office.Keywords: Criteria for prospective leaders, mechanisms, fiqh siyasah. AbstrakKepemimpinan berpangaruh besar terhadap kehidupan berpolitik dan bernegara suatu bangsa. Seorang pemimpin juga akan menentukan maju mundurnya sebuah negara. Tulisan ini memberikan pemahaman bagaimana kriteria calon pemimpin negara yang sudah ditetapkan mekanismenya dalam peraturan perundang-undangan Republik Indonesia dan kriteria calon pemimpin negara dalam pandangan fikih siyasah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan literatur. Data dalam penelitian ini diperoleh dari bahan-bahan hukum yang mengikat yang terdiri dari perundang-undangan, keputusan pengadilan, teori hukum, buku-buku, tulisan-tulisan ilmiah dan jurnal hukum. Hasil penelitian ini menyatakan bahwa kriteria calon pemimpin negara di Republik Indonesia yang tertuang dalam peraturan perundang-undangan memiliki beberapa persamaan dengan kriteria calon pemimpin menurut Fiqih Siyasah, Pemilihan presiden Republik Indonesia dalam kurun waktu sebelum tahun 2009 dilaksanakan dengan konsep Bay’at Ahl al-Hall wa al-‘Aqd, pemilihan presiden dilakukan di dalam musyawarah para wakil rakyat yang berada di dalam Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR), diangkat oleh majelis, dan ketika berakhir masa jabatan akan dimintai laporan pertanggung jawaban kepada majelis yang mengangkatnya. Pemilihan presiden Republik Indonesia, dalam kurun waktu sesudah tahun 2009 dilakukan dengan cara pemilihan langsung melalui pemilu, semua lapisan masyarakat yang mempunyai hak pilih bisa menentukan pilihannya secara langsung, tidak lagi melalui perwakilan oleh wakil rakyat. Tetapi kelemahannya  presiden terpilih tidak dimintai laporan pertanggung jawaban di akhir masa jabatan. Kata kunci : Kriteria calon pemimpin, mekanisme, fiqih siyasah. 

scholarly journals The Comparison of Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto Exposed on YouTube

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Redi Panuju
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Analytical Method ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Sign System ◽  
Political Activist ◽  
Equestrian Sport ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Exposure Ratio ◽  
The Right ◽  
Different Sources

This article reviews the exposure ratio of Jokowi and Prabowo in the YouTube channel. Joko Widodo’s alias, Jokowi, is the President of the Republic of Indonesia 2014-2019. He will re-join the 2019 presidential election, while Prabowo Subianto is a challenger who is supported by the Gerindra Party and the Prosperous Prosperity Party. The analytical method uses the semiotic concept of Strauss and John Fiske, who view the video as a sign system. The sign system is parsed through five political codes: lifestyle, transfer of power, existence, ideology and vision. This study finds that, in general, Jokowi's videos were more visited and preferred than Prabowo's videos, but Prabowo excelled in the transfer code of power, existence and ideology. In the video, Jokowi tends to impress himself as a person who has several characters. As the President of Indonesia, Jokowi displays a diligent character. As a political activist, Jokowi reinforces his ideology as a nationalist. As a citizen, Jokowi imitates the figure who adheres to the values of tradition As a man, Jokowi impressed himself as a humanist. Prabowo tends to feature a lavish lifestyle with equestrian sport with a historical background of the descendants of an economic Democrat Prof Sumitro Djojohadikusumo and associates himself like Soekarno. Prabowo tends to show his affiliation to the right Islamists. The contestation of the 2019 presidential election followed by Jokowi and Prabowo will show the battle of two different sources of legitimacy.

scholarly journals NEW TRENDS IN THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT AT THE END OF THE 20th CENTURY: DISCUSSION ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ISSUES

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-312
Author(s):  
V.R. Zolotykh
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
American Conservatism ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
Contract With America ◽  
The Welfare State

The novelty of this research lies in its primary task: to study the adaptation process of American conservatism to a rapidly changing world. The article attempts to trace the formation process of a conservative socio-political strategy in the 1990s, through the analysis of 1) factors that influenced the strengthening of the consolidation of the conservative movement in the early 1990s, 2) the reaction of the Right to the implementation of the "Contract with America" in 1994, and 3) discussions that was unfolded between the leaders of the conservative movement during the election campaigns of 1992, 1996 and 2000. The analyzed material allows to conclude that 1990s became a period when a new kind of conservative model of social policy is taking shape as a real alternative to the social-liberal model. The new tendencies manifested in the conservative movement were incorporated into the conservative version of the “welfare state”. The scientific novelty of this work is also in the investigation of the social policy of conservatives alongside with the evolution of the conservative movement.

scholarly journals Finding the Right Balance: Financial Self-Help Organizations as Sources of Security and Insecurity in Urban Indonesia

2000 ◽  
Vol 45 (S8) ◽  
pp. 159-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hotze Lont
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
Social Security ◽  
Social Function ◽  
Self Help ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Right ◽  
Financial Arrangements ◽  
Main Shortcoming ◽  
The Way

Financial self-help organizations can be found in many parts of the world, and the cities of Java are among the areas where they are particularly widespread. Since about the 1950s, interest in these institutions among anthropologists and development sociologists has increased considerably. Analyses of financial self-help organizations have most often focused on their economic or their social function; few scholars have pointed to their function as providers of security and identified self-help organizations as typical forms of local social security institutions. The main shortcoming of most of these studies is that they base their conclusions solely on an analysis of the financial arrangements provided by these self-help organizations, neglecting the accommodating practices that people undertake in order to fit the provisions of self-help organizations to their own household needs. This essay explores the observation that financial self-help organizations do not simply provide security through the different kinds of insurance mechanisms they might contain, but that, particularly through the way in which people use them and participate in them, these institutions become meaningful for coping with insecurity. It examines the question of whether participation in financial self-help organizations contributes to the ability of households to cope with adversities and deficiencies in a concrete social context. Research aiming to answer this question was conducted in Bujung, an urban ward on the outskirts of Yogyakarta, on the island of Java.

Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 56-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronnee Schreiber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Women Leaders ◽  
The United States ◽  
Women's Activism ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Conservative Women ◽  
Politically Active

The question of conservative feminism in the United States did not really arise before the 2008 elections; most politically active conservative women leaders did not refer to themselves as feminists. Sarah Palin's vice presidential bid, however, prompted a shift. On a number of well-publicized occasions, Palin called herself a feminist, generating considerable discussion over whether conservative feminism is now a political movement. Using data from in-depth interviews with conservative women leaders, this article asks whether conservative women in the United States identify as feminists. Findings indicate that on the whole they do not, but conservative women are important gender-conscious political actors whose efforts compel questions about ideology and women's activism. Implications for understanding feminist and conservative movement politics more broadly are also explored.

Patriotic Daughters and Isolationist Mothers

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle M. Nickerson
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
The Family ◽  
Peace Activism ◽  
Nationalist Sentiment ◽  
The Right ◽  
Conservative Women ◽  
Warrior Women

This chapter examines how women developed forms of antistatist protest in the first half of the twentieth century that posed an oppositional relationship between the family and government. By the 1950s, anticommunism and antistatism became widespread mechanisms of political protest for women on the right much as peace activism and welfare work came to seem natural for women on the left. But unlike the later generation of Cold Warrior women who exerted themselves most forcefully through local politics, conservative women of the early twentieth century made their strongest impact by attacking that national progressive state. They also demonized “internationalism” as the handmaiden to communism, discovering another foe that women's position in the family obliged them to oppose. Consequently, the earliest generation of conservative organizations adopted the habit of calling themselves “patriotic” groups to contrast their own nationalist sentiment with the internationalism of progressives, which they equated with communism. This pattern continued into the post-World War II era.

Duke and the Disciples

2020 ◽  
pp. 144-163
Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bad News ◽  
Good News ◽  
Information Warfare ◽  
Modern History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Election

This chapter draws attention to David Duke as one of the celebrity headliners of the Charlottesville Unite the Right rally. It details how Duke presaged and inspired the alt-right and describes his influence on the modern history of nationalist and supremacist movements in America. It also notes Duke's influence on alt-right leaders and Donald Trump during the presidential election of the United States. The chapter analyzes how a perennial political election loser can turn losses into ideological and cultural gains. It discusses how all bad news is really good news in the eyes of a guerrilla information warfare insurrectionist in order to understand the influence of David Duke.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document