Debt and Recovery

Author(s):  
Louis Hyman

This chapter discusses the New Deal housing policy and the making of national mortgage markets. Though Franklin Roosevelt was sympathetic to housing the poor, his policies aimed, primarily, to grow the economy and reduce unemployment. If this could be accomplished through housing the poor, all the better, but that was a secondary goal to restoring economic growth. Unlike the other housing programs of the New Deal, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) promised and achieved this growth. By 1939, investment in residential housing was nearly back to its 1929 levels. The flood of funds, guaranteed profits, and standardized policies initiated through the FHA changed the way banks operated forever, turning mortgages into nationally traded commodities—and in the process changing the way Americans related to banks and debt.

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Didier

ArgumentWhen the New Deal administration attained power in the United States, it was confronted with two different problems that could be linked to one another. On the one hand, there was a huge problem of unemployment, affecting everybody including the white-collar workers. And, on the other hand, the administration suffered from a very serious lack of data to illuminate its politics. One idea that came out of this situation was to use the abundant unemployed white-collar workers as enumerators of statistical studies. This paper describes this experiment, shows how it paradoxically affected the professionalization of statistics, and explains why it did not affect expert democracy despite its Deweysian participationist aspect.


2008 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefferson Cowie ◽  
Nick Salvatore

Abstract“The Long Exception” examines the period from Franklin Roosevelt to the end of the twentieth century and argues that the New Deal was more of an historical aberration—a byproduct of the massive crisis of the Great Depression—than the linear triumph of the welfare state. The depth of the Depression undoubtedly forced the realignment of American politics and class relations for decades, but, it is argued, there is more continuity in American politics between the periods before the New Deal order and those after its decline than there is between the postwar era and the rest of American history. Indeed, by the early seventies the arc of American history had fallen back upon itself. While liberals of the seventies and eighties waited for a return to what they regarded as the normality of the New Deal order, they were actually living in the final days of what Paul Krugman later called the “interregnum between Gilded Ages.” The article examines four central themes in building this argument: race, religion, class, and individualism.


1992 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Skowronek

The political foundations of the modern presidency were laid during the New Deal years. Franklin Roosevelt was the New Deal president. The relationship between these two facts is a matter of some consequence. On it hinges our understanding of presidential leadership and modern American government generally, not to mention the political significance of Roosevelt himself.


2017 ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Donalson Silalahi

From the time that the crisis of economy at the year 1997, the flows of the net capital investment in Indonesia is low or negative for some period. Thus, the Government is difficulty to realized the target of economic growth at the year 2010. The capital investment is the decisive factor that influence economic growth to compare with the other fiactors. Thus, the capital investment is the important facctor to achieved the target of economic growth. The role of the capital investment is difficulty to create if the problems of the climate if the capital investment like that bureaucracy, grease money, and the implementation of autonomy area did not to solve immediately. This paper aims to describes and discuss how to improve the climate of the capital investment to increased the flows of the net capital investment. If the climate of the capital investment in Indonesia to improve, so the flows of the net capital investment is increase and then the economic growth increase too. By the way, the government and the local goverment necessary to improve the climate of the capital investment with implementation of the policy with to give lots of the facilities, ease to investment, and the incentives to investor with mapping the industry if Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Eva Rosen ◽  
Philip M E Garboden

Abstract Private landlords play an important role in America’s poverty governance, with profound effects on poor families and neighborhoods. Drawing on data from interviews with 127 landlords in Baltimore, Dallas, and Cleveland, we ask how landlords understand their role as purveyors of affordable housing. We find that landlords think about their tenants in moral terms, drawing upon cultural categories to describe and define their tenants. Landlords see renting to the urban poor as a social good insofar as it facilitates housing those in need on the condition of their moral reform. We identify two components of this strategy: exclusion and reform. Landlords pursue profit through exclusionary tactics such as screening and eviction. While recent research has focused on this component, this article explores how landlords also invest resources in “training” tenants, attempting to mold them into a profitable ideal, rather than replacing them. Using both incentives and surveillance, landlords seek to create a tenant class that conforms to mainstream notions of responsibility and self-reliance. We argue that exclusion and reform are complementary components of paternalistic poverty governance. Landlord paternalism carries special salience in today’s increasingly privatized federal housing policy, where landlords have a great deal of discretion and little oversight.


2019 ◽  
Vol 100 (4) ◽  
pp. 341-350
Author(s):  
Robert Leighninger

The New Deal, an outpouring of social policies formulated to combat the Great Depression, had enormous effects on American families. It also caused caseworkers to re-evaluate their roles in society. Using the lens of the journal The Family, this article will examine some of these self-reflections and briefly review the impact of New Deal policies on families. In general, caseworkers’ writings were focused more on the way policies were reshaping their profession than on trying to shape the policies themselves.


Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer

This chapter examines fiscal conservatism under the Roosevelt administration. Fiscal conservatism has been linked to liberalism since the construction of the New Deal state. Indeed, a pragmatic alliance between liberals and moderate fiscal conservatives has played a key role in some of the most durable state-building efforts in U.S. history. This alliance produced bold federal initiatives in a nation historically resistant to centralized government. Building on the work of James Savage and David Kennedy, this chapter argues that fiscal conservatism constituted a key component of the New Deal during the years 1933–1938. It looks at two members of the administration who maintained pressure on Franklin Roosevelt to balance budgets: Lewis Douglas, who served as Director of Budget from 1933 to 1934, and Henry Morgenthau Jr., secretary of the treasury from 1934 to 1945. The chapter concludes with an assessment of Roosevelt's fiscal policy in relation to Keynesianism.


Author(s):  
William J. Maxwell

Retracing some of the main lines of FBI history, this part demonstrates how Bureau counterliterature was stamped by four distinct phases of the institution's developing Hoover era, altogether long enough to form a kind of police Mesozoic. It examines the glamorous and violent phase of Bureau history between the New Deal and the early 1940s. It then analyzes the changing shape of Bureau counterliterature during World War II, and does the same for the McCarthy period. Finally, it reviews the creative upheaval in Bureau counterliterature during the Black Power 1960s and 1970s. Author files and adjoining documents disclose that Hoover's FBI, the principal custodian of “lit.-cop federalism,” angled during all these phases to enlarge the state's ability to determine aesthetic value, scheming and networking like some National Endowment for Artistic Gumshoes. But these documents likewise show that his Bureau pursued changeable, art-educated enhancements of police tactics, converting varying currencies of literary capital into novel forms of criminological capital. Through both types of meddling, the Bureau paved the way to this book's second thesis, of necessity its most historically sprawling: The FBI's aggressive filing and long study of African American writers was tightly bound to the agency's successful evolution under Hoover.


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