Conclusion

2018 ◽  
pp. 208-216
Author(s):  
Hassan Malik
Keyword(s):  
Turning Points ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Printing Press ◽  
Bolshevik Revolution ◽  
Domestic Debt ◽  
Debt Markets ◽  
Diminishing Returns ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Ancien Régime

This concluding chapter explains that both the Bolshevik Revolution and the subsequent default were intertwined and historically contingent. They emerged from a particular set of historical circumstances, processes, and turning points. The events and the processes that produced them were linked by the explicitly financial character of the war the Bolsheviks waged against their opponents—be they the ancien régime, the Provisional Government, domestic class enemies, or foreign powers. Indeed, by 1917 and well before the Bolshevik takeover, a default in Russia—whether in the form of an outright cancellation of debts or a “restructuring”—had become inevitable. Three years of war had seen the Russian Empire lose critical parts of its economy to the enemy, while the strategy of relying on domestic debt markets had seen diminishing returns, forcing the government to resort to the printing press. Even by employing the latter method, the government could not keep up. Under such circumstances, even counterfeiters could not keep pace with the rate at which currency was being issued.

Reasons for the Onset of the Uniat Clergy’s Movement Towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the Beginning of the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Latin Church ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Church Service ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.

CIVIL GOVERNOR M.M. OREUS IN THE SERVICE IN THE VYBORG (FINLAND) PROVINCE IN 1799–1804

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
T.V. BOGDANOVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Management Problem ◽  
Effective Mechanism ◽  
Important Condition ◽  
Emergency Situations ◽  
Effective Selection ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Selection Of

The purpose of the article is to review the activities of the civil governor M.M. Oreus in the service in the Vyborg (Finland) province in 1799–1804. The guarantee of an effective mechanism of admin-istration creation as for over than 200-year period of the Russian Empire existence, as for modern conditions, it was and still is the effectiveness of the government policy on the ground. Based on this key task, the most important condition for its implementation at different stages of the development of the country was the effective selection of personnel for the post of a governor. It was the governor responsible for everything happened in his province, and the government expected him to under-stand the tasks assigned to him and take definite steps to solve them. The urgent management problem in these conditions was the strength of administrative resources capable of retaining their effective power in cases of emerging extraordinary situations, including which, will be discussed in this article. Emergency situations in the border areas occurred regularly and required the ob-servance of certain administrative traditions that influenced the success of the governor's initiatives in state tasks implementation. It will be all the more important to consider the history of the life and activities of one of the governors of the Finland (Vyborg) province, Maxim Maksimovich Oreus, who was at the head of this territory from December 14, 1799 to April 9, 1804.

“BULYGINSKAYA DUMA”. AGENCY WITHOUT POWER OR POWER OF AGENCY?

2021 ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Novoselskii ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Intellectual Context ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article considers the attitude of representatives of the top bureaucracy to the draft of the State Duma, developed by a Special Council chaired by the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin in 1905. Particular attention is paid to the high officials assessments of the dignitaries of the place and role of the Duma in the system of state administration of the Russian Empire, the arguments that officials cited in favor of its convocation. It analyzes intellectual context of the emergence of the “bulyginskaya duma” (“Bulygin Duma”) project is analyzed, which largely determined the breadth of the actual, not declared powers of the people’s agency. The research is based on unpublished documents from the funds of state institutions, as well as materials from the personal funds of officials and public figures. The article shows that, despite the legislative nature of the Duma, it had to have significant powers. The electoral system, which was proposed and defended by the high officials, was originally modeled in such a way as to avoid the triumph of the estates principle. The monarch’s open opposition to the people’s agency was considered a politically short-sighted move, which indicated a limitation of his power. The results of the study allow considering the government policy in 1905 not as an untimely response to public demands, but as a conscious strategy for systemic political reforms.

scholarly journals «The Shriveled Orient Made All Talk About Itself…»: China and Japan in Columns of the Newspaper «Vostochnoye Obozreniye» in the Last Quarter of 21th Century

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yelena Sevostyanova
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
International Policy ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Mass Consciousness ◽  
China And Japan ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military ◽  
Japan And China

The article examines the main plotlines and images of Japan and China in the end of 21th century which were modelled and translated to the reading public by one of the most accredited Siberia’s newspaper «Vostochnoye Obozreniye»(«Oriental Review»). The choice of the newspaper for the analysis is determined by three factors: its oriental trend, growing print run and popularity, participation of famous scientists, travelers, public figures in creating the content. In the newspaper editorial board, for the Russian periphery at the Asian border «in the interests of this very periphery it never hampers to learn the neighboring countries,» thus «increasing the horizons», “to renounce the hackneyed prejudices and the fear to be faulted for Asian barbarism». Materials about China and Japan were present almost in each issue, which testifies the newspaper’s permanent interest in the oriental neighbors of the Russian empire. With general eurocentrism of relations to Japan and China, a dichotomy was kept in regard of several plotlines: he militant and reformative potentials, the role in international policy. Depending on historical circumstances, some or other features grew stronger, often being hypertrophied in mass consciousness or, vice versa, «being dissolved» in generalized images and stereotypes of the oriental (Asian) world. The dichotomy of the Orient’s two images — the progressive, dynamically Europeanizing Japan and the fossilized, obstinate in its conservatism China — became a stable stereotype for «Vostochnoye Obozreniye», too. The government of Japan and the government of China were also contradistinguished in their reformative potentials and methods of governance. In general, the newspaper assessed the military, political, civil experience of the Japanese authorities more complementary than the Chinese governors and officials. The newspaper did nor model and did not translate the image of the enemy but took into account the potential geopolitical danger of the eastern neighbors.

scholarly journals Legal nihilism in resolving family conflicts of nobles and peasants of Russian Empire in the first third of XIX century

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-30
Author(s):  
S. P. Volf ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Relations ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Family Conflicts ◽  
Raising Children ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

The article highlights the ways of resolving family conflicts nobles and peasants in the first third of the XIX century in the Russian Empire, against the background of the ongoing systematization of legislation. Based on examination of the letters and memoirs of the nobles and peasants we highlighted the methods, which are actually used to solve family conflicts. I conclude that nobles and peasants rarely used help of the state in resolving family conflicts. The sphere of family relations was sacred for these estates; therefore, they did not rope the authorities into family conflicts. I have identified the following ways to resolve family conflicts: duel; marriage, often in the form of a secret wedding; going to the monastery and punishing the unfaithful wife; different approaches to raising children by peasants and nobles. The author of the article pays attention to passivity of the peasants in resolving their family conflicts. The results of the study allow exploring the alternative ways of resolving family conflicts based on representatives of other classes of Russian society in the first third of the 19th century (clergy, merchants, philistines, foreigners) as well, using wider range of sources (journalism, normative acts, fiction, paperwork). This analysis contributes to the discussion about the limits of the government intervention into family affairs. The author of the article redlines that people did not trust the law and resorted to the personally legitimate sources of dealing with family conflicts. This conclusion presents a new perspective in the discussion of legal nihilism and real application of the law in life

Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898

2021 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Anna Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire

The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

Dreams of a Boreal Empire, Nightmares of a Polar Vortex

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Schwoch
Keyword(s):  
Polar Vortex ◽  
Smithsonian Institution ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Central Theme ◽  
Bering Strait ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Scientific Team

This chapter discusses the failed efforts of the government, military, and Western Union to build a telegraph route in the 1860s across Alaska, beneath the Bering Strait, and into Europe via the Russian Empire. One central theme is the role of Robert Kennicott and the Smithsonian Institution as a scientific team of natural historians participating in this expedition. The ambiguous corporate-military entanglements of expedition members raises questions about whether the expedition was also some sort of occupying force on the ground in Russian Alaska prior to the Alaska Purchase in 1867.

THE SARATOV VOLGA REGION AND THE FAR EAST: THREE CENTURIES OF RELATIONS

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3/1) ◽  
pp. 93-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. G. PETROVICH ◽  
S. I. SAMSONOV
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Main Tool ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Volga Region ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Far East ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Far Eastern

The article deals with the dynamics of the development of the Far  East with the help of labor migration in the period from the 1860s to  the present day. The authors analyze the intensity of migration  flows, the reasons for their decline or increase, talk about new settlements founded by immigrants from the Saratov Volga  region in the Amur and Primorye regions of the Russian Empire, and  trace the fate of these settlements to this day. The authors identify  the reasons for the lack of support for the resettlement movement in the Russian Empire by the state until the beginning of the  twentieth century, and the reasons that prompted  the government  to develop an effective resettlement program since 1906. Attention  is paid to the participation of Saratov in the Russian-Japanese war in  the Far East. The extensive statistical material contained in the  official publications following the results of the all-Russian population censuses of 1897, 2002 and 2010 is used. Internet sources,  websites of public organizations, official state bodies, mass media  are attracted. The migration policy of P.A. Stolypin, Prime Minister of  Imperial Russia and former Saratov Governor- General is analyzed.  In comparison with it, the project "far Eastern hectare" is  considered, which the modern Russian government considers as the  main tool for the inflow of population to the vast far Eastern territories. The authors prove the ineffectiveness of the  project due to the small amount of allocated land, their unsuitability  for agriculture or other socially significant activities, remoteness  from communications, the lack of benefits for immigrants on such a scale as it was a century ago. The conclusion to which the  researchers come: only taking into account the experience of  generations of Russians in the development of the Far East, the  traditional connection of the regions of Russia, proved by the  example of the Saratov  Volga region, providing immigrants with all  the necessary and benefits no worse than a century ago, it is  possible to ensure the priority development of the Far East.

scholarly journals Aleksander Lednicki i los jego środowiska, Polonii w Rosji, na przełomie XIX i XX wieku jako zwierciadło przemian polskiego pola władzy

2015 ◽  
pp. 67-83
Author(s):  
Tomasz Zarycki
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Social Hierarchies ◽  
Bolshevik Revolution ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Freedom Fighters ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First World ◽  
Political Scene

Aleksander Lednicki and the fate of his milieu of the Polish community in Russia at the turn of the 20th cent. as a mirror of the transformations of the Polish field of powerThe paper deals with the phenomenon of waning memory of the Polish economic elite in the late Russian Empire. It is related to the disappearance of the memory of the liberal political movement of the Polish political scene before the First World War. Mechanisms of these processes of forgetting are related to the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, in particular it is argued that the liberal Polish elite of the Russian Empire could be defined as economic-capital-based elite. Its rivals, both socialists led by Piłsudski and National-Democrats led by Dmowski, classical intelligentsia figures, could be seen as leaders of the cultural capital-based elites. As it is argued, the intelligentsia was in many ways a benefactor of the Bolshevik Revolution, which deprived the Polish economic elite of most of their capitals and led to its political marginalization. In effect the intelligentsia was able to impose its values and social hierarchies on the modern Polish national identity, which ever since is defined in terms largely unrelated to the economic logic. These mechanisms privilege memory of the intellectual figures and freedom-fighters in the mainstream canons of Polish history. A closer look at the forgotten economic and political Polish elite of the late Russian Empire allows to point out to several arbitrary elements in the dominant readings of the Polish and Russian history in contemporary Poland. They are illustrated in the paper on the example of the biography of Aleksander Lednicki, a prominent politician and lawyer, leader of the Polish community in Moscow until 1918.

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