Conclusion

Author(s):  
Charles Larmore

This chapter, whose main theme is the nature of political philosophy, focuses on modern liberalism in order to explain what exactly the principle of political legitimacy is. It explains why political legitimacy should be understood as something propounding and why some may see reason to reject it when it is the best fit for the modern world. It also argues that political philosophy should be understood in its domain in which things are never likely to be as ideally as people think it should. The chapter mentions two connected themes that have shaped the realistic approach to political philosophy. It defends an approach that intersects with the lines of thinking that at the present time often go under the name of “political realism.”

Author(s):  
Charles Larmore

What is political philosophy? What are its fundamental problems? And how should it be distinguished from moral philosophy? This book redefines the distinctive aims of political philosophy, reformulating in this light the basis of a liberal understanding of politics. Because political life is characterized by deep and enduring conflict between rival interests and differing moral ideals, the core problems of political philosophy are the regulation of conflict and the conditions under which the members of society may thus be made subject to political authority. We cannot assume that reason will lead to unanimity about these matters because individuals hold different moral convictions. The book therefore analyzes the concept of reasonable disagreement and investigates the ways we can adjudicate conflicts among people who reasonably disagree about the nature of the human good and the proper basis of political society. Challenging both the classical liberalism of Locke, Kant, and Mill, and more recent theories of political realism proposed by Bernard Williams and others, the book argues for a version of political liberalism that is centered on political legitimacy rather than on social justice, and that aims to be well suited to our times rather than universally valid. It proposes a new definition of political philosophy and demonstrates the profound implications of that definition. The result is a compelling and distinctive intervention from a major political philosopher.


Author(s):  
Andre Santos Campos

Historical analyses of the relations between political theory and time often hinge on two claims. The first is that political theorists have until recently put less emphasis on the future than the past when debating political legitimacy and obligation. The second is that the history of political theory draws a fundamental distinction between theories that invoke time to legitimate political structures and theories that reject temporal considerations in favor of timeless principles. This chapter disputes these two claims by maintaining that competing languages of legitimacy harbor different and interrelated conceptions of temporality. A survey of time conceptions in the history of political philosophy shows that normative political theory is inherently multitemporal, involving double regard for the past and the future. And, since even tenseless principles of legitimacy often depend on temporally related forms of formulation and application, considerations about time seem inescapable in normative political theory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 525-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Erman ◽  
Niklas Möller

2021 ◽  
pp. 324-324
Author(s):  
Martin Wight

Wight described this book as a ‘primer or introduction’ to American realism concerning international politics, with attention to the views of Halle, Kennan, Lippmann, Morgenthau, Niebuhr, Nitze, and Spykman, among others. Thompson highlights continuities with traditional diplomatic theory, illustrated notably by Churchill’s statesmanship and political philosophy. In Wight’s view the book presents ‘original thinking of a high order’. Moreover, Thompson ‘brings out more clearly than some realists the limitations of the “national interest” principle’. Wight concludes that Thompson stands out as ‘a realist of the centre, likely neither to be accused of disparaging morality, nor to be so emotionally disturbed by the consequences of clear vision that he emigrates for Utopia.’


Legitimacy ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 43-66
Author(s):  
Paul Weithman

John Rawls’s presentation of his famous principle of legitimacy raises a number of exegetical and philosophical questions which his texts leave unresolved. The key to their solution lies in a claim Rawls makes about the character of political power. Rawls uses language familiar from social contract theory to describe that power, saying that it is the power of the public as a corporate body. This chapter considers but ultimately rejects the suggestion that Rawls’s treatment of legitimacy is Lockean. Rather, Rawls follows Kant in thinking that talk of a contractual incorporation is best understood as a way of expressing fundamental moral claims about the object of a constitution, about citizens’ standing, and about legislators’ duties. These are the claims that do the real work in Rawls’s account of legitimacy. To show this, the chapter lays out Kant’s conception of the social contract and argues that we can draw on that conception to understand Rawls’s account of political legitimacy. It then spells out the philosophical pay-offs of the reading offered here by showing how it solves some textual puzzles and how Rawls’s account differs from others that have recently been defended in political philosophy. The chapter concludes by mentioning some lingering questions about Rawlsian legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Charles Larmore

This chapter analyzes groups that follow different moral or religious traditions that generally have their own internal controversies, such as conflicts in the absence of laws to handle them and render social cooperation difficult or even impossible. It also explains why political philosophy is not properly a province of moral philosophy. It talks about the fundamental task in determining the kind of political order that can justifiably impose authoritative rules for handling the major conflicts in society. The chapter also clarifies why legitimacy and not distributive justice should be the primary object of political philosophy. For legitimacy is involved with the conditions under which enforceable rules may be justifiably imposed on the members of a society.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 621-676

Cairns, Alan C. Citizens Plus: Aboriginal Peoples and the Canadian State. By Joyce Green 623Flanagan, Tom. First Nations? Second Thoughts. Par Jean-François Savard 625Manfredi, Christopher P. Judicial Power and the Charter: Canada and the Paradox of Liberal Constitutionalism. By Miriam Smith 627Corbo, Claude, sous la direction de. Repenser l'École : une anthologie des débats sur l'éducation au Québec de 1945 au rapport Parent. Par Annie Mercure 629Howe, R. Brian and David Johnson. Restraining Equality. By Paul Groarke 632Stewart, David K. and Keith Archer. Quasi-Democracy? Parties and Leadership Selection in Alberta. By Harold J. Jansen 634Adkin, Laurie E. Politics of Sustainable Development: Citizens, Unions and the Corporations. By Milton Fisk 635Gibson, Robert B., ed. Voluntary Initiatives. The New Politics of Corporate Greening. By Jean Mercier 637Vosko, Leah F. Temporary Work: The Gendered Rise of a Precarious Employment Relationship. By David Camfield 639Amar, Akhil Reed. The Bill of Rights: Creation and Reconstruction. By Matthew DeBell 640Kagan, Robert A. and Lee Axelrad, eds. Regulatory Encounters: Multinational Corporations and American Adversarial Legalism. By Susan Summers Raines 641Barbier, Maurice. La modernité politique. Par Jean-François Lessard 643Badie, Bertrand. The Imported State: The Westernization of the Political Order. By Geoff Martin 645Gill, Graeme. The Dynamics of Democratization: Elites, Civil Society and the Transition Process. By Daniel M. Brinks 646Gunther, Richard and Anthony Mughan, eds. Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective. By Bartholomew Sparrow 648Klieman, Aharon. Compromising Palestine: A Guide to Final Status Negotiations. By Julie Trottier 650Huang, Jing. Factionalism in Chinese Communist Politics. By Chih-Yu Shih 652Kim, Samuel S., ed. Korea's Globalization. By Hoon Jaung Chung-Ang 654Powell, Jr., G. Bingham. Elections as Instruments of Democracy: Majoritarian and Proportional Visions. By Richard Johnston 655Tesh, Sylvia Noble. Uncertain Hazards: Environmental Activists and Scientific Proof. By William Chaloupka 657Watts, Ronald L. Comparing Federal Systems. By Michael Stein 658Eisenstadt, S. N. Paradoxes of Democracy; Fragility, Continuity, and Change. By Brian Donohue 660Castles, Stephen and Alastair Davidson. Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging. By Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos 661Sidjanski, Dusan. The Federal Future of Europe: From European Community to the European Union. By Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly 663DeWiel, Boris. Democracy: A History of Ideas. By Florian Bail 664Newell, Waller R. Ruling Passion: The Erotics of Statecraft in Platonic Political Philosophy. By Andrew Hertzoff 666Hueglin, Thomas O. Early Modern Concepts for a Late Modern World: Althusius on Community and Federalism. By Phillip Hansen 668Slomp, Gabriella. Thomas Hobbes and the Political Philosophy of Glory. By Don Carmichael 670Thompson, Norma, ed. Instilling Ethics. By Gary K. Browning 671Boutwell, Jeffrey and Michael T. Klare, eds. Light Weapons and Civil Conflict: Controlling the Tools of Violence. By Kirsten E. Schulze 672Falk, Richard. Predatory Globalization: A Critique. By Stella Ladi 674Meyer, Mary K. and Elisabeth Prügl. Gender Politics in Global Governance. By Naomi Black 675


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Bustamante

This paper replies to the criticisms raised by Eric Scarffe and Thomas Christiano against Dworkin’s philosophy of international law. While the former argues that Dworkin’s philosophy of international law boils down into some form of political realism, the latter upholds that Dworkin’s attempt to ground the legitimacy of international law on the states’ duty to improve their own legitimacy is insufficient to establish a solid foundation for international obligations. In my response to these critics, I hold that they are based on an uncharitable and implausible reading of Dworkin’s theory of international law, since Dworkin’s theses about the law, whether we are considering “municipal” or “international” law, only make sense if they are understood in an interpretive way. This is, I submit, the only way to avoid turning Dworkin’s assumption of the “unity of value” into an implausible metaphysical theory of natural law. Once we adopt Dworkin’s interpretive attitude, it becomes clear that the route taken by Dworkin in “A New Philosophy for International Law” was the only route that remained available for his interpretive account of political legitimacy and the foundations of law.


1948 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Kuttner

It is not within the purpose of this paper to appraise the historical significance which the Council of Trent held for the consolidation of Catholic doctrine on all the points of dogmatic and sacramental theology that had been put into question by the religious innovators. Nor shall we examine the role which its measures of canonical legislation played in the great process of spiritual and disciplinary renewal which eventually determined the position of the Catholic Church in the modern world. We propose rather to turn our attention to the great goal which the Council did not reach: the restoration of the one Respublica Christiana, of the Catholic unity which prior to the sixteenth century had been the only conceivable form of Christian religious existence. To the eye of the historian, it is true, the rift in Western Christendom appears quite obviously prepared by the developments of two centuries preceding Luther's challenge. The exile of Avignon; the great schism; the constitutional unrest of the conciliar epoch of Constance and Basel; the political realism by which Renaissance popes had sought above all to consolidate their position as Italian territorial rulers; the growth of the national states and national sovereignties; the ferment of humanistic ideologies—they all were alarming and distressing symptoms of the radical disintegration of mediaeval unity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iqra Khan, Maryam Bibi, Muhammad Amin

The term education has been the living phenomena among the social and cultural lives of the human body that derives the crucial needs and necessities of the modern world. This could be considered as the realistic approach to say- as education provided the positive barrier between the old and new learnings to help bring out the development in the logical and literal minds. The fundamental requirements of education result the possibility when its acquirements are made reachable to the deserving hands. Education is hence freed from all the discrimination and racial comments- welcomes the technological and scientific learnings to those who seeks for it. As, for men, education has been the revolving agenda to succeed in the rushing world and as it’s similar for the women of every religion and culture. With the rising inventions and prominent technological factors, the demanding scope for the educational promotions established the future needs. This need in an outcome prevailed the exceeding desires of women to work side by side with men and to meet the necessities of the coming age. The patterned structures that the society follows, advances the efforts of men rather than women and if it belongs to any religion, Muslim women are the first to face the discriminative attitudes in the work places and learning institutes. But to count their efforts in an extensive manner, there are many of the Muslim women who took charge in the advancement of the technological and the social sciences. This article aims at the perpetual challenges and contributions of Muslim women in their respective work areas. The problems and hurdles they experienced at the social and cultural surroundings. The main objective of this paper is to highlight the difficulties and hardships of Muslim women all around the world and the challenging atmospheres they worked in while giving their utmost for the betterment of society  


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