scholarly journals Pedagogical and political concept of interaction of Ukraine and Visegrad Group

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3D) ◽  
pp. 159-166
Author(s):  
Marcel Martinkovič ◽  
Vasyl Marchuk ◽  
Yevheniy Haydanka ◽  
Iryna Kiyanka ◽  
Sergiy Vonsovych

In the context of globalization and the development of integration processes, the geographical expansion of the European Union, new actors in the system of international relations, in particular regional associations, are acquiring increasing importance. Taking this into account, Ukraine not only declared its intention to join the European Union, but also identified as one of the priorities of its foreign policy course the building up of cooperation with the Visegrad Group countries, with the help of the EU instruments, which form a new architecture of international relations. The main purpose of the article is to review the political and pedagogical concept of interaction with the Visegrad Group. A number of formal-logical, systemic, structural and institutional research methods were applied. As a result, the political and pedagogical side of the concept of interaction with the Visegrad Group was revealed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 168-193
Author(s):  
P. Bucsky ◽  
T. Kenderdine

CR Express containerised rail transport between Europe and China is a flagship project of China’s “Belt and Road”. Yet operational and financial details of the project remain scarce. Due to poor governance and logistics transparency, the actual quantity of containers and goods transported is essentially unknowable. The authors doubt the efficacy of the CR Express intercontinental rail system and test its real and possible capacity throughputs. In the article they compare China public media statements with European Union statistics and reveal discrepancies between the number of trains supposedly departing China and the number of trains arriving in the European Union. This article provides numerous data sources and estimates on China–Europe rail freight traffic and demonstrates that the actual transported quantity of goods is probably lower than anticipated or reported. The article also analyses the political development of the CR Express rail freight system and China’s wider “Transport Power” policy. It concludes that while the political concept of the CR Express rail freight system is progressive, and the economic development of creating new cumulative causation systems is theoretically possible, that the evidence for actual economic use is underwhelming. This research helps European Union, Russian, and Central Asian policymakers better assess the viability of participating in the continued rollout of China’s CR Express intercontinental rail freight system. The authors warn that while the CR Express system has potential to be an economic good for Central Asian development it exposes the Eurasian economies to China's political and financial risk. For China the CR Express system fulfils only geopolitical and geoeconomic functions, and ultimately participation in the policy is of minimal utility to European Union economies.


2000 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-522
Author(s):  

AbstractThe need for a comprehensive reform of Finland's four laws of constitution has been discussed since the late 1960s. As a consequence of several substantial changes to the old constitutional laws and the political consensus to move the system of governance in a more parliamentary direction, a new Constitution was drafted during the 1990s and adopted by the Parliament in 1999. Finland's new Constitution integrates constitutional provisions into a single Constitution, and reduces the constitutional powers of the president of the republic. The new Constitution increases parliamentary control in foreign policy. It requires the president to co-operate with the government when directing Finland's foreign policy. It also requires acceptance by the Parliament of a wider range of international obligations. The system for the national organisation of matters concerning the European Union adopted in connection with Finland's accession to the Union in 1995 has also been confirmed by the Constitution, with the government and the Parliament being the main actors in that field.


2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-468
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

The EU enlargement to 25 members has significantly changed the political and economic map of the contemporary Europe. EU has become a relevant factor in international relations. At the same time there are certain dilemmas concerning the prospects for the future development and nature of the Union. Considering the fact that the EU geopolitical position has moved eastwards the author wonders how far the Union might spread towards the East, i.e. where the boundaries of the united Europe might be, and what should be the EU policy towards its Eastern neighbors (Russia, Byelorussia, the Ukraine and Moldova).


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-205
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Jasiecki

The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specifi city of the Group’s cooperation before accession to NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4 countries against the background of the EU and selected member states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The final part contains conclusions relating to the Group’s activities with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Gulyakov ◽  
Alexey Salomatin ◽  
Aleksander Malko ◽  
Mariya Zakharova ◽  
Natal'ya Makeeva ◽  
...  

The monograph reveals the history of the creation of the European Union and its current situation, which is characterized by instability and lack of genuine unity. In an effort to integrate everything and everyone in a short time, European leaders and officials have overestimated their strength. Meanwhile, every European country retains its identity and is in no hurry to give it up. Russia and the participants of integration interstate associations should learn lessons from the fate of the European Union: not to force rapprochement, not to encroach on the state sovereignty of its members, to respect the opinion of ordinary people. The publication is intended for specialists in the field of European politics, European law, international relations, as well as for a wide range of readers interested in the political life of Europe.


Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


2016 ◽  
pp. 110-136
Author(s):  
Zbigniew B. Rudnicki

The aim of this article is to show what impact the crisis in the European Union, along with the crisis in the euro zone at the forefront, had on European identity, interwoven with the identity of the European Union to such an extent that these terms are often handled as equivalent. Developments and crises situations which exert an influence on European identity were presented with respect to areas of particular importance that affect the way the European Union is identified within the community and abroad. Following issues were discussed: implications of the crisis for the European Union’s international identity, for the European social model (welfare state), for transnational identity (in internal relations) and for unity and solidarity in the European Union. In the conclusion, it is stated that the economic, political and social crises had undermined the gradual development of European / European Union identity among citizens and had an impact on its image in international relations.


Author(s):  
Tracey Raney

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179


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