scholarly journals EDITORIAL: Trust and transparency

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Johan Lidberg ◽  
David Robie

Since the call for papers to the theme for this issue of the Pacific Journalism Review, more tumultuous events in journalism have unfolded dominated by the agonising restructure of the newspaper arms of media companies across the region. Hundreds of editorial jobs are on the line. The increasingly desperate search for the ‘new business model’ has been stepped up. But is the new model the only answer to the current plight of journalism? Are media proprietors paying enough attention to the fact that the business model is built on the public trusting the journalistic practices that sit at the heart of the media brands? Perhaps all stakeholders should pay closer attention to Conboy’s thoughts?

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 183-200
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Giereło-Klimaszewska

The contemporary functioning of the media is inextricably linked with what is happening in the world ofpolitics. The case of the Mafra corporation and the behaviour of its owner Andrej Babiš shows how throughthe interrelations of these two spheres the media can influence the shaping of political decisions, opinionsor preferences in the elections. The penetration of business and political interests, related informal layoutsand dependencies as well as high media instrumentation allow us to claim that today the process ofoligarchisation of the Czech media is highly advanced. This is connected with the increasing concentrationof ownership of media companies and intervention of the owners into the published content, but also withchanges in journalism itself. The media cease to be a “watch dog” controlling the authorities and caringabout the quality of public debate. Instead, they are creating reality, more and more openly, attemptingto manipulate the public, which results in less and less trust on their part and poses a serious threat todemocracy.


Author(s):  
Hüseyin Çelik

Economy politics that were formed with neoliberalism affected media industry like it affected all the other spheres of economy. The concentration of media structures in the world, the companies which work in the media industry being worked in the other spheres of economy, the struggle of these companies against the regulations about the media and their emphasis on the cancellation of these regulations; and the international activities of media companies attract the attention of the public for the last 50 years approximately. These developments in the media industry have been experienced in Turkey and these continued to be experienced. Neoliberal politics that were applied after 1980s caused important changes in the media industry. Another important point that attracts the attention is that even though the media actors have changed; the number of the structures that are active in media is limited and this number has not been changed for years. This paper aims to put forward the changes in the media industry in Turkey and the structures that have been shaped around these changes in the framework of neoliberal policies which were started in 1980s. In this paper a qualitative research design is used and ownership structures are analysed to investigate the changes in Turkey’s media industry since 1980s. Consequently it is seen that media actors have been changed but their numbers stayed the same. Furthermore the ownership structure of the media that is formed as a result of these developments and the organic bond between the Government is underlined.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Icol Dianto

<p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Local press problems in facing the contestation of the election of Regional Heads in West Sumatra Province can be grouped into two broad lines: first, the local press is dragged into a conflict of interest in the election of the Regional Head including 1) The Press supports one candidate pair, 2). Incitement of the success team, 3). The interests of media owners and stakeholders in media companies. Second, the intervention of the Regional Head towards local media includes 1). Change the Regional Head changes journalists, 2). Contract termination threats and 3). Media blockade. As for the solution to the problem, an alternative solution can be proposed that: 1). Re-guided Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning Press. 2). Balancing the press as a business industry with the press as a professional institution (social control). 3). The media owner should not use and manipulate his press company into the realm of practical politics. 5). In establishing cooperation with local governments, strive to stick to the principles and ethics of the journalistic profession. 6). Journalists must increase the capacity and quality of journalistic products, adhere to journalists' code of ethics, and not bring the profession into the realm of practical politics. 7). Report regional heads or parties who attempt to intimidate the media and journalists in carrying out their profession, to the Public Information Commission (KIP), police and Ombudsman at certain levels of government.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Local Press, Problems, Pemilukada Contestation.</p><p> </p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Problematika pers lokal dalam menghadapi kontestasi pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Provinsi Sumatera Barat dapat dikelompokkan pada dua garis besar: yaitu <em>pertama</em>, pers lokal terseret dalam konflik kepentingan pemilihan Kepala Daerah meliputi 1) Pers mendukung salah satu pasangan calon, 2). hasutan tim sukses, 3). kepentingan pemilik media dan pemangku kewenangan pada perusahaan media. <em>Kedua</em>, intervensi Kepala daerah terhadap media lokal meliputi 1). berganti Kepala Daerah berganti wartawan, 2). ancaman putus kontrak dan 3). blokade media. Adapun solusi untuk permasalahan tersebut, dapat diajukan alternative penyelesaiannya bahwa: 1). Mempedomani kembali Undang-Undang Nomor 40 tahun 1999 tentang Pers. 2). Menyeimbangkan antara pers sebagai industry bisnis dengan pers sebagai lembaga professional (<em>control social</em>). 3). Pemilik media jangan memanfaatkan dan memperalat perusahaan pers miliknya ke ranah politik praktis. 5). Dalam menjalin kerja sama dengan pemerintah daerah, upayakan tetap berpegang pada prinsip dan etika profesi jurnalistik. 6). Wartawan mesti meningkatkan kapasitas dan kualitas produk jurnalistiknya, menaati kode etik wartawan, dan tidak membawa profesi ke ranah politik praktis. 7). Melaporkan kepala daerah atau pihak-pihak yang berupaya mengintimidasi media dan wartawan dalam menjalankan profesinya, ke Komisi Informasi Publik (KIP), polisi dan ombusman pada level pemerintahan tertentu.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci</strong><strong>:</strong> Pers Lokal, Problematika, Kontestasi Pemilukada.</p>


2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Cass

This article describes the historic conditions governing newspaper and media ownership in the Pacific. It argues that historically there have been three kinds of media in the Pacific: Mission or church-owned or directed, governmen- owned or directed and commercial. The missions and churches were responsible for the first newspapers aimed exclusively at indigenous populations and in Papua New Guinea have continued to play a key role in the media. The commercial press could only exist when there was a sufficient population to support it and so it tended to appear in those countries with the largest expatriate populations first. The continued dominance of the commercial media by Western companies in the largest islands has been largely due to the cost of producing these commodities. Locally-owned commercial media have been on a much smaller scale, but they have nonetheless had an impact. The national or government-owned or directed media were generally inherited from the departing metropolitan powers and represent a much diluted version of the public service model. While the article argues that the dominance of the commercial press in such markets as PNG, Fiji and New Caledonia by Murdoch and Dassault- Hersant is probably commercially inevitable, it also argues that the media scene in the Pacific is actually remarkably diverse.


Author(s):  
Taberannang Korauaba

By Taberannang Korauaba Although the Pacific nation of Kiribati has been identified as one of the most vulnerable countries to the impact of climate change, little is known about the attitudes of the local media and the public toward this issue. This is in contrast to empirical study findings which have shown that the public and the media were aware of the threats posed by climate change. This monograph extracted from the author’s thesis argues that the people of Kiribati are not united over climate change. Browse the author's MCS thesis on Kiribati


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Mick ◽  
Luísa Tavares

The article supports the hypothesis that contemporary journalism is facing a crisis of governance, derived from the fraying of social relations between the media enterprises and their audiences (readers, sources, stakeholders, advertisers, subscribers). In contrast to the interpretations that limit the crisis to the funding issue or the business model, we argue that such difficulties are apparent manifestations of structural changes in relations between journalism and the public, affecting both production and circulation of journalistic information processes, particularly concerning its corporate organizational form. Each of these dimensions is affected by actions and representations of the audiences, heavily modified in just over a decade in response to the changes in technology and communication. The article demonstrates how the concept of governance gives a better understanding of the dimensions of the crisis and a glimpse into the possible solutions.O artigo sustenta a hipótese de que o jornalismo contemporâneo atravessa uma crise em sua governança, derivada do esgarçamento das relações sociais entre as empresas jornalísticas e seus públicos (audiências, fontes, stakeholders, anunciantes, assinantes). Contra as interpretações da crise que a circunscrevem ao financiamento ou ao modelo de negócio, argumenta-se que tais dificuldades são manifestações aparentes de transformações estruturais nas relações com os públicos, que afetam tanto os processos de produção e circulação da informação jornalística, quanto sua forma organizacional predominantemente empresarial. Sobre cada uma dessas dimensões incidem ações e representações dos públicos, fortemente modificadas num intervalo de pouco mais de uma década como reação às transformações tecnológicas e de comunicação. O artigo demonstra como o conceito de governança permite compreender melhor as dimensões da crise e vislumbrar possibilidades de saída.Este artículo sostiene la hipótesis de que el periodismo contemporáneo está pasando por una crisis de gobernabilidad, derivada del deshilachado de las relaciones sociales entre los medios y sus audiencias (los lectores, las fuentes, los stakeholders, los anunciantes, los abonados). Contra las interpretaciones que circunscriben la crisis a la financiación o al modelo de negocio, se argumenta que tales dificultades son manifestaciones estructurales de cambios profundos en las relaciones con el público, que afectan tanto a los procesos de producción y circulación de la información periodística, como su forma organizacional de negocio. Las acciones y representaciones del público, muy cambiadas en un intervalo de poco más de una década en respuesta a los cambios tecnológicos y de la comunicación, afectan cada una de esas dimensiones. El presente artículo muestra cómo el concepto de gobernabilidad permite comprender mejor las dimensiones de la crisis e imaginar las posibilidades de salida.


Author(s):  
Alex Perrottet ◽  
David Robie

Pacific media freedom has been under siege for more than a decade, particularly since an attempted coup in Fiji in May 2000, when a television station was attacked and ransacked, a foreign journalist was shot and wounded and a local journalist ended up being imprisoned for treason. Since then various Pacific countries, notably Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Tonga and Vanuatu have faced various periods of media repression. Since the military coup in December 2006, Fiji has faced arguably its worst sustained pressure on the media since the original two Rabuka coups in 1987. The Bainimarama regime in June 2010 imposed a Media Industry Development Decree that enforced draconian curbs on journalists and restrictive controls on foreign ownership of the press. This consolidated systematic state censorship of news organisations that had been imposed in April 2009 with the Public Emergency Regulations that have been rolled over on a monthly basis ever since. Promised relaxation of state censorship after the imposition of the Decree never eventuated. This research monograph covers the period 1 July 2010-30 June 2011 and examines the trends in the Pacific region. In addition to Pacific Islands Forum member nations, it covers the French Pacific territories and the former Indonesian colony of East Timor and current twin provinces known collectively as West Papua.


Author(s):  
Yolanda Berdasco-Gancedo

Rare diseases and disorders are, as the names suggest, a strange or unusual health condition, and so the coverage given by the media is not as extensive as it could be. However, researchers point out that this situation is changing little by little, and there is now more information about those who suffer from these conditions, and their experience. It is quite interesting to see how the public media, especially in the case of Spain, are making a great effort to give a voice and space to people affected by such diseases. In the case of public media, there are many other aspects to be considered. Firstly, the Spanish Broadcasting Corporation, Radio Televisión Española (RTVE) is not tied to private finance. Secondly, these channels are expected to be more independent and, subsequently, there may be no additional pressure to reach high audience share or obtain external funding from private media companies. This is especially interesting in the case of radio broadcasting, as it tends to be a medium with a high level of credibility, and closeness to the audience.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-141
Author(s):  
Anna Cristina Pertierra

Metaphors of family play a particular part in representing and justifying the public role of elite families and media empires in Mexico and the Philippines, two countries on opposite sides of the Pacific that feature linked histories of Spanish colonial heritage and intimate connections to the cultural and economic history of the modern United States. The media industries of Mexico and the Philippines share some important characteristics: powerful commercial television networks are operated by prominent elite family companies, whose multimedia empires wield political and economic influence nationwide. An industry model of elite family dominance is reflected in the ways that contemporary television programs, hosts, and viewers understand themselves as belonging to sorts of ‘television families’. The nature of Mexican and Philippine television industries as family businesses writ large merits more extensive comparative historical exploration. These parallel cases draw attention to how media may be productively compared and studied across the Pacific regions of Asia and the Americas.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document