The Dark Side of Resilient Leaders: Vampire Leadership

Author(s):  
Montgomery VAN WART ◽  
◽  
Shafiqur RAHMAN ◽  
Theo MAZUMDAR ◽  
◽  
...  

While ‘bad’ leaders can include incompetent, oc­casionally self-indulgent, and lazy leaders, an import­ant special category of leader has long been estab­lished in the literature for those whose egotism and ill-will toward others have corrupted ‘good’ leader­ship norms. Such behavior is generally called toxic. This essay further builds on that analysis by exam­ining leaders who are not simply occasionally toxic, but whose whole agenda is to fan division, hatred, and malignant collective delusion. The article first examines good leadership using servant and resil­ient leadership theory. Then it provides examples of varying degrees of toxicity based on eight elements in which good leadership is perverted. Finally, the ar­ticle looks at President Donald Trump as an example of ruthless rapaciousness and whose tenacity (re­silience) enables him to maximize his toxicity over time – vampire leadership.

Author(s):  
S.F. Tataurov ◽  
S.S. Tikhonov

In this article, the authors analyse materials from the excavations of the Tara fortress (Omsk Region, Wes-tern Siberia), founded in 1594 by Prince Andrei Yeletsky and functioned as the main outpost of the Russians in the Middle Irtysh region to counter Khan Kuchum, the Kuchumovichs, and then the newly-arrived population from Dzungaria and Kazakhstan, until construction of the Omsk fortress in 1716. The aim of this research is to identify amongst the finds the articles of Polish-Lithuanian origin, in outward appearance similar to Russian ones. Having studied the collections formed during the excavations of the fortress in 2007–2020, the authors came to the con-clusion that such items are definitely represented by the signet rings with nobility coats of arms, coins, and bap-tismal crosses made according to the Catholic canon. Potentially, Polish-Lithuanian origin could be assigned to some types of fabrics and leather goods, such as a travel compass case with images of French fleur-de-lis, some types of shoes, and handgun holsters. The presence of Venetian glass ware and plinth bricks in the layers of the 17th c., according to the authors, is also associated with the arrival in Tara of the population that had previously resided in the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or on the western borders of Muscovy. The owners of these items ended up in Tara (and in Western Siberia) because they were taken prisoners or sided with the Rus-sians during the Russian-Polish wars. Over time, they formed a special category of service people called ‘Lithuania’. This is evidenced by numerous written sources. The basis for this conclusion is given by particular characteristics of Tara's trade relations established, primarily, with China, Lesser and Greater Bukharia, and the Uzbek Khanate, i.e., with the south in the 17th c., from where Chinese porcelain, silk and cotton fabrics, and some types of smo-king pipes came to Tara. At that time, weapons, bread, coarse fabrics, money for salaries of the servicemen of the Siberian garrisons, and cheap beads were imported to Tara from the west through Kazan, Kungur, and Lozva. In the 18th c., the main trade of the Russians began to concentrate in Troitskosavsk (Kyakhta since 1934) on the border with Mongolia, from where tea, silk, and porcelain were exported, whereas a flow of Russian-made goods, as well as European wines, sugar, some species of nuts, and spices, was established through Kazan into Siberia. Instead of ’Lithuania’, Germans started coming to Siberia. In the 19th c., Poles reappeared en masse in Western Siberia. However, those were no longer residents of Lithuania and Western Russian principalities, but ethnic Poles exiled to Siberia for participation in anti-Russian uprisings.


Res Rhetorica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarke Rountree

Because the goals leaders and organizations seek typically require persistent engagement over time, rhetorical leadership has as a central concern the long-term consequences of the leader’s rhetorical choices. Although traditional rhetorical theory downplayed this long-term perspective in favor of the singular rhetorical engagement (such as a speech), rhetorical theorists have begun considering the rhetorical implications of persuasion wrought over the long-run. This essay applies rhetorical consequentialism, a theoretical perspective developed by the author, to explain the orientation and strategies the rhetorical leader must consider in longterm persuasion. Leaders must be concerned about consistency over time to avoid charges of waffl ing, delusion, lying, hypocrisy, and the like if they are to maintain their ethos and that of their organizations. They also should take positive steps to create the symbolic and material conditions for rhetorical success over the long run. The essay describes „constraint avoidance” strategies that limit inconsistencies over time, as well as „stage-setting” strategies that prepare the symbolic and material ground for future rhetorical success. The essay draws examples from American political rhetoric, especially that of Donald Trump, to illuminate these strategies. The essay concludes by considering the challenges and prospects of such strategies.


Even before the 2016 presidential election took place, groups and individuals angry at Donald Trump, and frightened about what a Trump presidency could mean, were taking to the streets. After the election, and particularly after the Inaugural, the protests continued. Over time, the Resistance was joined by a broad variety of groups and embraced an increasing diversity of tactics. The Resistance details the emergence of a volatile and diverse movement directed against the Trump presidency. Bringing together a diverse group of scholars of social movements and American politics, the collection examines the origins and concerns of different factions of this movement and evaluates their prospects for surviving and exercising political influence. The authors also reflect on how existing scholarship on social protest movements helps us understand the Resistance movement, and what the movement tells us about social movements more generally.


Author(s):  
John N. Drobak

Chapter 9 lays out proposals for change. They range from simple and uncontroversial ones, like requiring the government to collect reliable statistics about the number of jobs lost through mergers and outsourcing, to controversial proposals, like adding labor representation to the corporate boards of directors. Although some antitrust scholars have recently proposed changing merger review to include consideration of the effects on labor, the chapter argues that changing the current process is not feasible. Instead, the chapter proposes the creation of a new government panel to review proposed mergers and outsourcing. The board would assess the expected displacement of labor in comparison with a realistic appraisal of the expected gains to consumers. The chapter argues that the proposed reforms cannot be achieved until the influence of business on Congress is limited. The chapter also deals with political effects, by pointing out that the harm to workers has aggregated over the years, culminating in popular support for both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders in the 2016 presidential election. There is a dark side to this growing populist movement, however, because disgruntled labor has played a role in nationalistic and fascistic movements during the twentieth century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-311
Author(s):  
Alex Lambert

Research into intimacy must grapple with its ambiguity while attempting to place it within a contemporary technological and political context. I argue for a metaphysics of intimacy that provides a ground for research. Through a critical reading of the philosophy of Peter Sloterdijk, I suggest a formal dialectic between intimacy and cosmopolitanism. Intimacy is an enclosure over time, while cosmopolitanism is an opening through an event. These ideal forms become actual in digital media, which often reveal the dark side of intimacy, as they withhold the cosmopolitan event and hence the possibility of diverse yet cohesive collectives. I outline various fields of research where the contradiction between intimacy and cosmopolitanism can be explored and potentially resolved through methodologies that critically imagine alternative designs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 1108-1121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emilie M Hafner-Burton ◽  
Christina J Schneider

Abstract Political corruption is rampant in—and destructive to—many parts of the world. A growing number of international organizations (IOs) claim to address the problem by encouraging good governance norms and rules, such as anti-corruption standards and practices. Whether membership in IOs dampens corruption, however, is unclear. Our central argument is that the characteristics of IO membership determine both whether corruption is tolerated and the extent to which formal anti-corruption rules effectively combat the problem. First, groups of corrupt states are reticent to enforce good governance norms or rules against other IO members, rendering punishment for corruption incredible. Second, leaders may witness the value of corruption to their IO peers and learn to act the same way. Using a variety of data sources and estimation strategies, including new data on IO anti-corruption mandates, we demonstrate that: (1) countries that participate in member-corrupted IOs are significantly more likely to engage in corruption themselves—and experience an increase in corruption over time—than are countries that participate in less corrupt IOs; and (2) this tolerance for corruption occurs even within IOs that have adopted formal anti-corruption mandates, rendering good governance rules largely cheap talk among organizations governed by corrupt principles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meeyoung Lamothe ◽  
Vicki Lavastida

AbstractThe election of Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential race was said to result in an unprecedented surge in public support for nonprofit advocacy organizations. Given the cyclical nature of public attention to hard-to-solve social problems and the challenges associated with free-riding in collective action, a question arises as to the extent to which such elevated public support sustains itself over time. The purpose of this study is to examine whether local nonprofit advocacy groups experienced a post-election boost for public support and to what extent the increase, if any, sustained itself 18 months or longer after the election. Our study also explores various organizational incentives advocacy groups use to maintain support. We gather data from structured interviews of advocacy organizations in the Oklahoma City metropolitan area. Our findings suggest that many local advocacy groups did receive enhanced public support in the forms of volunteer requests, donations, and membership immediately after the election and the majority of them were able to retain the support over time. Normative organizational incentives were predominantly used to recruit and retain supporters, while utilitarian incentives, similar to Olson’s selective private benefits, were not commonly adopted.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. e0247664
Author(s):  
Joshua Hart

The COVID-19 pandemic likely had an effect on the outcome of the 2020 US presidential election. Was it responsible for the defeat of incumbent President Donald Trump? The present study makes an initial attempt at, and provides a model for, understanding the pandemic’s influence on Trump support. The study employed a mixed experimental and correlational design and surveyed separate samples of adults (N = 1,763) in six waves beginning March 23, 2020 and ending June 1, 2020. Participants were randomly assigned to report their Trump support either before or after being reminded of the pandemic with a series of questions gauging their level of concern about it. Results revealed complex and dynamic effects that changed over time. Depending on survey wave, the pandemic seems to have lowered Trump support among Democrats, while (marginally) raising it among independents. Republicans’ reactions also changed over time; of particular note, Republicans who were more concerned about the pandemic reported higher Trump support after being reminded of the pandemic in its early stages, but this effect reversed by the time the economy began reopening (coinciding with a dip in Trump’s approval ratings). Although the correlational results in the present study did not converge neatly with the experimental results, the combined experimental and correlational approach has the potential to increase researchers’ confidence in the causal effects of salient national and international events on political attitudes.


Daedalus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 150 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Douglas S. Massey

Abstract Dysfunctional immigration and border policies implemented in recent decades have accelerated growth of the Latino population and racialized its members around the trope of illegality. Since the 1960s, Republicans have cultivated White fears and resentments toward African Americans, and over time these efforts broadened to target Hispanics as well. Until 2016, this cultivation relied on a dog whistle politics of racially coded symbolic language, but with the election of Donald Trump as president, White nationalist sentiments became explicit and White nationalism emerged as an ideological pillar of the Republican Party. This volume confirms this political transformation, describing its features and documenting its consequences. In this essay, I describe the unwise U.S. immigration and border policies that were steadily promulgated and expanded over the decades by Democrats as well as Republicans, inevitably leading to the current racist and nativist moment. I close by offering a way forward by granting legal status to those who currently lack it, while simultaneously dismantling the nation's formidable machinery of immigration and border enforcement.


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