scholarly journals RENT SEEKING DAN PRAKTIK KORUPSI DI TUBUH BUMD: KASUS BUMD PT BANTEN GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT (BGD)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahpudin Mahpudin

Artikel ini membahas tentang praktik rent seeking di tubuh Badan Usaha Milik Daerah (BUMD) spesifik pada PT Banten Global Development (BGD) sebagai perusahaan milik Pemerintah Provinsi Banten. Alih-alih memberi kontribusi terhadap Pendapatan Asli Daerah (PAD) dan pembangunan di Banten, PT BGD justru hanya menjadi alat perburuan rente antara state actor dan economic actor dengan memanfaatkan sumber daya keuangan yang dimiliki pemerintah untuk kepentingan ekonomi politik segelintir elit. Artikel ini berusaha memetakan pola rent seeking yang bekerja dibalik pengelolaan perusahaan PT BGD. Metode kualitatif dipilih dalam penelitian ini, adapun pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi literatur terhadap berbagai bahan bacaan yang relevan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pembentukan PT BGD menciptakan korupsi pada perusahaan pemerintah melalui praktik rent seeking. Pola rent seeking yang terbentuk adalah “rent seizing” yaitu state actors berusaha mendapatkan hak mengalokasikan rente yang dihasilkan dari institusi pemerintah untuk kepentingan individu dan kelompoknya. Di sisi lain, pihak perusahaan (economic actor) memperoleh keuntungan  dari kebijakan yang dibuat oleh elit politik dengan cara menyuap dan cara-cara lain yang melanggar konstitusi. Pihak perusahaan yang dimaksud tidak merujuk pada perusahaan swasta melainkan perusahaan milik pemerintah yaitu BUMD PT BGD.

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 920-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naghmeh Nasiritousi ◽  
Mattias Hjerpe ◽  
Karin Bäckstrand

The participation of non-state actors in multilateral institutions is often portrayed as one way of decreasing the perceived legitimacy deficit in global governance. The literature on non-state actors has identified several ways in which these actors can enhance the legitimacy of intergovernmental organisations and global governance arrangements. Three partially competing normative arguments, or rationales, for the inclusion of non-state actors in international policymaking — functionalism, neocorporatism and democratic pluralism — have been identified. Whereas functionalism highlights the contribution of non-state actors to output legitimacy in terms of expertise, neocorporatism emphasises the inclusion of affected interests, and democratic pluralism claims that non-state actors increase input legitimacy through procedural values. These three normative arguments thus offer different understandings of the motives for the inclusion and representation of non-state actors in international negotiations and diplomacy. Through a single case study of United Nations climate diplomacy, we analyse the extent to which the three rationales for non-state actor inclusion are found in views held by state and non-state actors participating in the annual United Nations climate change conferences. Our results show that different actor groups place varying degrees of emphasis on the different rationales for non-state actor inclusion, even though the neocorporatist rationale remains most favoured overall. We discuss the implications of our findings for the democratic legitimacy of increasing participation of non-state actors in intergovernmental affairs and recent trends in the participation of non-state actors in the international climate change policymaking process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Syazana Fauzi

This study seeks to ascertain the state actor dynamics in Brunei’s healthcare policies from the perspectives of an Islamic system of governance, by first identifying the state actors, or institutions, involved in influencing, formulating and implementing Brunei’s healthcare policies. The ‘IGC Matrix’ is employed to establish the Islamic health ‘sets of expectations’ (SoEs), particularly in terms of prevention and treatment, and medical ethics, primarily derived from the Qur’ān and Prophet Muhammadﷺ’s Sunnah, in order to construct for this study a framework of reference. The SoEs are then compared against Brunei’s healthcare policies and activities to determine how much of the Islamic health SoEs are met. This study reveals that Brunei’s healthcare policies are largely motivated by non-Islamic inspirations, specifically by the World Health Organisation (WHO), but with numerous overlaps with Islamic demands. In other words, Brunei’s healthcare policies may be stemmed from a non-Islamic influence, but it does not necessarily mean that they are un-Islamic. And most, if not all, of Brunei’s healthcare policies demonstrate a top-down approach, where the state actors play a crucial role in shaping Brunei’s dynamical SoEs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-613 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Flynn

Global migration challenges are reinforcing long-standing trends that involve shifting immigration control measures beyond national borders and incorporating new actors into detention systems. Proposals to shape migration management policies — including discussions on developing a Global Compact for Migration — recognize the need to involve a range of actors to implement humane and effective strategies. However, when observed through the lens of immigration detention, some policy trends raise challenging questions, particularly those that lead to increasing roles for non-state actors in migration control. This article critically assesses a range of new actors who have become involved in the deprivation of liberty of migrants and asylum seekers, describes the various forces that appear to be driving their engagement, and makes a series of recommendations concerning the role of non-state actors and detention in global efforts to manage international migration. These recommendations include: • ending the use the detention in international migration management schemes; • limiting the involvement of private companies in immigration control measures; • insisting that the International Organization for Migration (IOM) actively endorse the centrality of human rights in the Global Compact for Migration and amend its constitution so that it makes a clear commitment to international human rights standards; and • encouraging nongovernmental organizations to carefully assess the services they provide when operating in detention situations to ensure that their work contributes to harm reduction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akbar Khan ◽  
Han Zhaoying

States often build alliances with non-state actors to address their security needs and pursue their strategic objectives, but such alliances are highly unreliable and fraught with grave risks for the allying parties. The gradually increasing capabilities of a non-state actor may embolden it to give preferences to its own geopolitical agenda, thereby adversely affecting the alliance. Thus, states and non-state actors have mostly failed to maintain stable relationships due to diverging interests and opportunistic politics. Iran and Hezbollah have however maintained an alliance, which has entered its fourth decade of organisational existence, and this potentially hostile alliance is transforming the regional strategic landscape. The longevity of their alliance is somewhat puzzling. This article contends that the Iran-Hezbollah alliance has withstood collapse because Iran gives significant autonomy to Hezbollah, and Hezbollah controls and optimizes its resources and revenue which are at its disposal. Additionally, the chaotic regional structure and their intersecting interests play a pivotal role, not only fostering this nexus but also significantly potentiating the survival of their alliance while reducing the likelihood of opportunistic dissociation.


Author(s):  
Timothy Clancy

This paper seeks to explain the rapid growth of the Islamic State of Iraq & Syria (ISIS) and approach the question of “what is” the Islamic State? The paper offers several contributions. First is the proposal of a dynamic hypothesis that ISIS is an emerging-state actor and differs notably from traditional non-state actors and insurgencies. The theory consists of both a causal loop diagram and key propositions. A detailed system dynamics simulation (E-SAM) was constructed to test the theory. The propositions of emerging-state actor theory are constructed as synthetic experiments within the simulation and confirm evidence of emerging-state actor behavior. E-SAM’s novelty is its combination of combat simulation with endogenous geospatial feedback, ethnographic behavior in choosing sides in conflict, and details internal simulation of key actor mechanisms such as financing, recruiting and governance. E-SAM can be loaded with scenarios to simulate non-state actors in different geospatial domains: ISIS in Libya, Boko Haram in Nigeria, Taliban in Afghanistan and even expatriated ISIS fighters returning to pursue new conflicts such as in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
Jalal Hussein Dalsooz

In this paper, we empirically study the effects of terrorism on the para-diplomacy of Kurdistan Region of Iraq during the last two decades. The research paper analyses the form of diplomacy, in the current age, has covered new style, in particular, when the new actors (non-state actors) are playing significant roles. In this regard, the Kurdistan region government as non-state actor has successfully used terrorism as a great instrument to attract the attention of the world community and created broad its paradiplomatic relations with actors around the world. In turn, we find suggestive evidence that the Kurdistan Region Government should further enhance the ability of its foundations to sustain its relations with world community. Our findings are consistent with the idea that the threat of terrorism is never going to be end, thereby it is not easy for the state-actors to keep their eyes away from the role of any world actors (including non-state actors).


Author(s):  
Dalsooz Jalal Hussein

This article presents a theoretical approach towards the global political steps of non-state actors. Particular attention is given to a number of theories of international relations, such as neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism, which are able to encompass current global actions of non-state political actors. For a clearer perspective on the subject matter, the article employs the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI); as a non-state actor, KRI has recently become a vivid example for the theories of international relations. The conclusion is made that security, economy, culture, religion and identity are the key and post powerful instruments of non-state actors of international politics. The example of KRI demonstrates that international relations of non-state actors focus on security, economy and culture, as well as serve as the instruments of interaction with both, state and non-state actors. The article reviews such activity within the framework of neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism. It is underlines that the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI) fully meets all the criteria of a non-state actor of international politics. It is also a brilliant example for the theories of international relations.


Author(s):  
GLEN SEGELL

Information warfare is a type of strategic communication realized through models of power such as soft and sharp power. Investigation provides evidence sustaining the theoretical framework and premise that the essential models of power are not just the ability, capability and intent, but also the means, method or technique of both states and non-state actors. The example of a dispute between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, from December 2017 to March 2018, shows Israel wielding soft power and Hamas wielding sharp power. This article reviews the models of power, then uses the methodology of the narrative and counter-narrative of Israel and Hamas to show their information warfare campaign. Hamas, a non-state actor, succeeded in gaining sympathy, but was unable to utilize this to further any other objectives. Winning an information battle by soft or by sharp power does not mean that the conflict is over. The conclusion shows that non-state actors, e.g. Hamas, that prioritize control over openness are deficient in soft power projection, so use sharp power to create distraction by the key attributes of expression and manipulation of mass media and public sensitivities, rather than by the attraction and persuasion (soft power) used by states, e.g. Israel. In both, all that is required is to instil a perception, even without facts, in the minds of the audience, which includes global leaders, the mass population and media outlets.


Author(s):  
Angstadt J Michael ◽  
Betsill Michele

This chapter describes non-state actors (NSAs), which encompass a range of entities that collectively extend international environmental law beyond traditional state authority in numerous regimes. Characterized by considerable breadth and diversity, NSAs exist within the traditional, state-centric treaty architecture while simultaneously contesting its structure. Because diverse institutional actors can satisfy the definition of ‘non-state actor’, the chapter analyses a subset of NSAs: non-governmental organizations (NGOs). It first defines NGOs, identifying some common characteristics that influence their ability to advance international environmental law, and noting fundamental criteria used to distinguish among NGOs. The chapter then discusses three key functions that NGOs perform in contemporary international environmental law: serving as activists engaged in agenda-setting functions; performing diplomacy to shape and facilitate international rule-making processes; and contributing to rule-making, implementation, and enforcement in contemporary global governance. It concludes by forecasting strong continued NGO participation in developing non-treaty international environmental law.


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Epstein

Histories of information systems are inseparable from the histories of their governance. In the case of the Internet, governance structures informally developed during its early design were substantially different from the typical mechanisms resulting from public policy decision-making. Traditionally, global information systems, such as telecommunication systems, were governed through state-centric mechanisms that would set treaty-based framework for non-state actors to operate within. Legitimate participation in these traditional governance structures was the prerogative of states that possessed sole decision-making authority. In the case of the Internet, non-state-actor-driven governance frameworks were developed outside of those traditional mechanisms. They relied on a different conception of legitimacy and authority. This paper discusses how the state and non-state actors were forced to cooperate around the creation of institutions that could accommodate the variety of views on authority, legitimacy, and decision-making processes in Internet governance. It tracks the creation of the Internet Governance Forum as a case where notions of legitimacy and authority were redefined for policy deliberations of complex information systems. The paper concludes with whether those changes lead to the emergence of new institutions that contribute to the sustainability of the network by enabling coexistence of competing political interests and values; and what this could mean for the future of the network.


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