scholarly journals MTQ ; Antara Seni Membaca Alquran dan Politik Akomodasionis Pemerintah terhadap Umat Islam

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Sri Handayana ◽  
Muhamad Rezi
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Spiritual Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Religious Perspective ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Economic Standpoint

<p><em>MTQ is a manifestation of Islamic culture and is constantly evolving. MTQ is also one of the government policies related to Muslims and even seems to </em><em>accommodate</em><em> the interests of Muslims. The author believes that MTQ can be investigated from various aspects. If viewed from a religious perspective, MTQ is one way to improve spiritual life. If viewed from an economic standpoint, MTQ can support economic development through exhibitions or bazaars held in the main arena. Whereas if it is highlighted with the political glasses of MTQ, perhaps on the one hand the government is accommodating towards Muslims. This paper attempts to describe MTQ and its ins and outs, then also attempts to analyze MTQ as a form of aesthetic reception of the Qur'an and the political dimension of MTQ. The effort to express the Koran aesthetically has actually emerged since the time of the Prophet Muhammad. One of the most popular stories is about the Islamic story of Umar ibn Khattab after hearing the reading of several verses of the Qur'an by his younger sister named Fatimah with her husband named Sa'id bin Zayd. Therefore MTQ is an opportunity to develop the art of reading the Qur'an, and an event to foster awareness to read and study the Qur'an.</em></p>

American Oligarchy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ron Formisano
Keyword(s):  
Government Policies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
The Past ◽  
Entire Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
American Society ◽  
The One ◽  
Almost All

Almost all studies of the nation’s extreme inequality of income and wealth have overlooked a critical, overarching cause of the creation of The New Gilded Age. The permanent political class has driven and sustained economic and political inequality not only with the government policies it has crafted over the past four decades. It has created inequality by becoming a self-dealing, self-serving nepotistic oligarchy that is enabling the One Percent and the .01 Percent to create an American aristocracy of wealth. American Oligarchy describes a multifaceted culture of self-dealing and corruption reaching into every sector of American society. The political class’s direct creation of economic inequality by channeling the flow of income and wealth to elites, has been described extensively; less exposed has been how its self-aggrandizement indirectly—but hidden in plain sight—creates a culture of corruption that infects the entire society.

scholarly journals Popular Piety and the Muslim Middle Class Bourgeoisie in Indonesia

Al-Albab ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Lukis Alam
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
Popular Piety ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The One ◽  
Mode Of Consumption

This paper discusses the passion of Islamization of the New Order, at the same time the mainstream of this power is based on economic development that provides opportunities for the growth of the Muslim middle class. Patronage model used by the New Order gives an indication that the power built by this regime wants to instill a strong influence in society.  At the same time, the New Order is depoliticizing the political attitudes of Muslims. This has implications for the marginalization of the interests of Muslims on the national stage. In this study will also be affirmed the influence of the New Order's power on the presence of the Muslim middle class. On the one hand their birth was the result of the economic development that the New Order echoed. On a different aspect, the presence of the middle class gives strong legitimacy that they are part of the dominating class structure in a country. Also will be reviewed about middle-class interference with the trend of Islamic populism that actually occurred in the era of the 80s, but re-spread after post-reform. Popular Islamic culture becomes a trend that spread through various media such as, internet, magazines, newspapers and so forth. This has received considerable response from middle-class Muslims and led to commodification. Religion facilitates to interact with modernity. Materialistic and hedonistic interests intersect with obedience in the practice of religion. On the one hand, the mode of consumption of the Muslim middle class changes with the adaptation of piety values in the public sphere.

scholarly journals Nemzetközi kitekintés az első szakképzési törvény korszakáról

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
István Lükő
Keyword(s):  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Training Centre ◽  
25Th Anniversary ◽  
International Dimension ◽  
Political Events ◽  
New Directions ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

A cikk a szakképzési törvény megjelenésének 25. évfordulója alkalmából rendezett „25 éves a szakképzési törvény - Korszakos változások - új irányok” című konferencia előadása alapján készült, amelyet a szerző vezette Az első szakképzési törvény gazdasági- társadalmi környezete nemzetközi kitekintésbe című Panel keretében tartott.Ez a negyedszázados esemény a társadalmi-gazdasági szinten zajló rendszerváltás fontos része volt a másik két oktatási alrendszer törvényi szabályozásával együtt.Az írás ezt a korszakot, illetve a törvényhez kapcsolódó gazdasági-társadalmi környezetet mutatja be nemzetközi kontextusban.A téma elvi-elméleti felvezetéseként a szerző áttekinti a különböző szempontok és léptékek szerinti szakképzési modelleket, amelyek a világban fellelhetők. The government formed after the political events in 1989 considered the comprehensive transformation of the educational system, primarily by legal regulation, as one of their main tasks. After years of preparation, the three acts on education were passed in 1993, including the Act on VET. Several documents, e.g. the National Qualification Registry, are connected to this law; in this article I have undertaken to examine these connections and to make comparisons to other countries. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the law taking effect, on May 5th 2018 the Hungarian Association for Pedagogy and the Teacher Training Centre of the BME organized a monumental conference titled The Law on VET becomes 25 years old – Epochal changes – new directions in Budapest at the BME. After the plenary sessions, five panels were held – I was the moderator of the one titled: The socio-economic environment of the first VET act in an international dimension, and I held a short lecture here with a similar title. 

scholarly journals COVID-19: A Political Virus? VOX’s Populist Discourse in Times of Crisis

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Javier Olivas Osuna ◽  
José Rama
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contagion Effect ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government

Spain has been one of the hardest hit countries by the COVID-19 pandemic, and this crisis presented a window of opportunity for VOX, as it has for other far right parties, to raise its visibility as opposition force. This paper investigates whether the discourse of VOX has evolved during the pandemic and affected the political dynamics in Spain. This article proposes a new multidimensional strategy to measure the degree of populism in political communications, via quantitative and qualitative content analysis. It dissects the parliamentary speeches of the leader of VOX, Santiago Abascal, in the debates for the approval and extension of the “state of alarm” to fight against COVID-19 between March and June 2020. In order to assess the changes and relative intensity of populist features in Abascal’s parliamentary speeches we compared them with his speech during Pedro Sánchez’s investiture session as the Spanish President of the Government, in January 2020, and VOX’s latest political manifestos—2019 European and Spanish General Elections—, as well as with speeches of the representatives of the five main parties and coalitions during the COVID-19 debates in the Spanish Congress.Our paper shows that populists’ discourses are context-dependent and that their performances are not only shaped by crisis but also constitutive of crisis. The density of populist references in Abascal’s speeches grew steadily during the period analysed. Morality and antagonism overshadowed sovereignty and society as key populist attributes, and the tone of the discourse became increasingly hyperbolic. Moreover, Abascal’s discursive performances had a sort of contagion effect in other parties in the parliamentary sessions studied. People’s Party (Partido Popular–PP) leader Pablo Casado chose to follow VOX and harshly criticized the government, meanwhile the discourses of the speakers of Together We Can (Unidas Podemos–UP) and Catalan Republican Left (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya–ERC), adopted a demonizing rhetoric against VOX and PP also grounded on a populist logic of articulation. This polarizing dynamic between competing Manichean discourses contributed to reinforce the sense of crisis by adding a political dimension to the already existing health and economic problems.

The Activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party in the Spring of 1920 as Reflected in the Newspaper Patria

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Marin Pop ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
National Party ◽  
Old Kingdom ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Draft Resolution ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

"This study aims to highlight the activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party (hereafter abbreviated as RNP) in the spring of 1920, covering the events from the fall of the government led by Alexandru Vaida–Voevod until the end of the parliamentary elections of May–June 1920. After the Great Union, the city of Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania, especially after the Ruling Council, which was the provisional executive body of Transylvania, moved its headquarters from Sibiu to Cluj. Iuliu Maniu, the President of the Ruling Council and of the R.N.P, who was elected at the Sibiu Conference of 9–10 August 1919, had settled in Cluj as well. Moreover, at the head of Cluj County Branch of the RNP were personalities with a rich history of struggle for the cause of National Liberation of the Romanians in Transylvania: Iuliu Coroianu, Emil Hațieganu, Aurel Socol, Sever Dan, Alexandru Rusu, Ioan Giurgiu, the Archpriest Ioan Pop of Morlaca, and the Priest‑Martyr Aurel Muntean from Huedin. After the dismissal of the Vaida government, the Central Executive Committee of the RNP convened a party congress for 24 April 1920, in Alba Iulia. Just before the congress, the Cluj County organization had started the election campaign. Meetings were organized in every town and village, aiming to elect representatives for the Congress in Alba Iulia. On 21 April 1920, a large assembly was held in Cluj, during which the deputies of Cluj presented their work in Parliament. Simultaneously, delegates were elected for the Congress of Alba Iulia. The RNP Congress adopted a draft resolution and the governing bodies were elected. Iuliu Maniu was re‑elected as President. Based on the decisions adopted at the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia on 1 December 1918, he adopted a working program, which was summarized in thirteen chapters. During the electoral campaign of 1920 two major political groups became polar opposites: the one around the People’s Party, which was in power, and the parties that formed the Parliamentary Bloc and had governed before. On the list of candidates of the Cluj County Branch of the RNP we can mostly find the former MPs of the party, as well as those who had filled various leadership positions within the Ruling Council. Following the electoral process, despite all the efforts of the People’s Party, in power at that time – especially those of Octavian Goga – to dispel the propaganda conducted by the RNP, the latter party managed to obtain 27 seats in the House and 14 in the Senate. This placed the RNP in second place among Romania’s political parties. The Cluj County Branch of the RNP was able to win two of the five electoral districts in the Chamber, as well as two in the Senate, out of the three allocated to the county. Another conclusion would be that, starting from these parliamentary elections, more and more parties from the Old Kingdom penetrated into Transylvania and Banat. They would achieve some success with the voters only when they came to hold power in the state and organize elections. Still, the RNP remained the party with the largest grip on the electorate of Transylvania and Banat, and Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania."

Evelyn Underhill and the Christian Social Movement

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-200
Author(s):  
Jessica L. Malay
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Spiritual Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Anglican Church ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Christian Communities ◽  
Social Agenda ◽  
The Church

AbstractEvelyn Underhill is mainly known for her work in mysticism and spirituality. This article explores the political dimension of her work and argues her early work in mysticism and later work in spiritual direction and retreat work underpinned her engagement with leading figures in the interwar Anglican church and their social agenda. During this period Underhill worked closely with William Temple, Charles Raven, Walter Frere and Lucy Gardner among others. In the interwar years she contributed in important ways to the Church of England Congresses, and the Conference on Christian Politics, Employment and Citizenship (COPEC) initiative. She challenged what she called the anthropocentric tendency in the Christian Social movement and insisted on the centrality of the spiritual life for any effective social reform. Underhill worked to engage the general public, as well as Christian communities, in a spiritual life that she saw as essential to the efforts of individuals and organizations seeking to alleviate contemporary social harms.

Little Wukan, Big China: Lessons to Be Drawn from the Wukan Incident for China’s Political and Economic Development

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
Zhang Yanbing ◽  
Zeng Zhimin
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Democratic Rights ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability ◽  
China Today ◽  
Do So

Abstract This paper argues that the Wukan Incident reflects the common difficulties faced at the state-society level by contemporary China as the country finds itself experiencing both an important strategic chapter in its development, and a period during which social problems are coming to the fore. As such, the task of developing an understanding of the Wukan Incident offers the chance to draw crucial lessons about China’s future political and economic development. Firstly, the modernization development model, according to which economic growth and development take precedence above all else, has already led to a building up of serious social problems. China’s future development efforts must draw on and put into practice the theories of the Scientific Outlook on Development. Secondly, the demands made by the villagers of Wukan could feasibly become political and economic problems common throughout the whole country. This includes issues such as how state-owned assets and land are dealt with; transparency of public finances; and safeguards for the democratic rights and interests of Chinese citizens. The government must face these difficulties and use reforms to tackle each of them. Should it fail to do so, these issues could spark a serious social crisis or even affect the stability of the political order. Thirdly, the current mechanisms by which the Party and the government respond to the public’s interest-related claims require urgent improvement. Finally, there is no magic pill to solve the political and economic problems faced in China today. Elections are certainly not a magic solution.

Peru: the Political Economy of an Intermediate Regime

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. V. K. Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intermediate Regime ◽  
Domestic Capital ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Made In

Any attempt to define the changes in the Peruvian political economy that have taken place since 1968 1 must be made in terms of the relationship between the state and domestic capital on the one hand and foreign capital on the other, and must offer an explanation of the way in which this military- controlled state has tended to replace the former and establish a new relationship with the latter. In particular, the confrontation between the government and foreign capital, and the significance of internal ownership reforms cannot be understood without reference to the development of Peruvian capitalism before 1968.

scholarly journals Det muslimske brorskap i Egypten

1983 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Olaf Blichfeldt
Keyword(s):  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Tradition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Basic Approaches ◽  
The One ◽  
Activist Groups

When, after the first World War, the Association of Muslim Brothers was formed, it soon established itself as the largest movement among the political Islamic groups in the country. Hasan al-Banna, originally a teacher, founded the Association in Ismailia as a religious society in 1928. In 1939, however, the Brotherhood came to be a political organization, and began to participate in various political campaigns. Having as one of their main tenets that everything foreign to the recognized teachings of Islam ought to be abandoned, the brothers fought the British role in Egypt as well as the Jewish settlements in Palestine. Up to the revolution of the 23rd of July, 1952, their political activity increased considerably, conspiring at the same time with both the regime and its opponents. In 1954 the new government decided to dissolve the Brotherhood, and during the next twenty years, they were intensively harassed and out in jail. From the mid-seventies the Brothers began to be released and were even permitted to resume their activities as a religious society.’Both during the time of Hasan al-Banna and in recent years the political confrontation between the Brotherhood and the regime has frequently been characterized by a well-founded literary propagandism. That is, various kinds of books, magazines and pamphlets which in a politically exaggerated form either defend the existing regime or oppose it. As to the former, it is – in addition to the more ordinary presentation of the government’s political positions and future plans – very much occupied with defining the concept of practical Islam by emphasizing its cultural achievements of the past while at the same time limiting its present role to be basically individual and spiritual. Reversibly, the opposition literature is agitating by means of claiming various political implementation of Islam. It has two basic approaches. There is the more direct mode where arguments of rejection, mocking and damnation are propagated by comparing the day-to-day political events with ideal Islam. Then there is the more indirect kind, which compares the contemporary situation with the hardship and suppression which, according to the Islamic Tradition, are one of the signs that the final battle against evil accompanied by the Last Judgement, is immanent.More significant, however, is the fact that this trend of spreading agitative literature seems to indicate the kind of adapted political profilation which the Muslim Brotherhood has sought to establish, defining itself both as a legitimate and oppositional movement between the government on the one side, and the remaining activist groups, such as Takfir al-hidjra, on the other. 

scholarly journals State policy of the innovative start-up development in the interest of endogenous economic development: best foreign practices and recommendations for Ukraine

2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-80
Author(s):  
O. B. Salikhova ◽  
◽  
O. O. Kurchenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
State Policy ◽  
World Market ◽  
Endogenous Development ◽  
Technological Potential ◽  
Single Structure ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Project Strategy ◽  
Start Ups

The purpose of the article is to substantiate the theoretical and applied principles of small innovative entrepreneurship and develop recommendations for policies to promote the establishment of innovative start-ups, taking into account the best foreign practices in the interests of endogenous development of Ukraine’s economy. It is shown that the vital link in the ecosystem of start-ups is an entrepreneur-innovator. It is justified that the state’s efforts to accumulate knowledge and human capital should be complemented by encouraging innovative entrepreneurship. It has been found that the integration of start-ups into social networks and their close connection with the external environment is crucial, as well as the qualities of the entrepreneur-innovator and his team to overcome the problems of “novelty vulnerabilities” and “minor vulnerabilities”. Authors demonstrate that in the conditions of limited assets and a highly competitive market environment, the most perspective direction of developing innovative start-ups is their establishment of symbiotic relations with reputable companies. Their dynamic interaction and complementary measures, on the one hand, will ensure the viability of start-ups, and on the other, they will strengthen the technological potential of the existing business. Paper reveals the peculiarities of the policy of innovative entrepreneurship in the OECD countries. Development of innovative start-ups is a systemic process in which the government creates favourable conditions for its participants and directly participates itself. The state acts as an entrepreneur-innovator, taking on the risks of innovation related to uncertainty, and at the same time plays a role a contractor who buys an innovative product of start-ups, created with financial assistance within budget programs. Such policy of assistance at all stages – from development to implementation and introduction to the market promotes endogenous economic development and strengthening its position in the world market. It is revealed that the legislation of Ukraine only fragmentarily mentions certain aspects of the functioning of entities that form the ecosystem of innovative start-ups, without combining them into a single structure. This complicates the formation and implementation of a purposeful state policy to create necessary conditions and mechanisms to stimulate innovative entrepreneurship. To address the shortcomings, the authors propose regulatory and institutional changes. Paper recommends developing essential documents: the draft Law of Ukraine “On technology-oriented start-ups” and the project “Strategy for the development of technology-oriented start-ups in the interests of innovative development of the Ukrainian economy”.

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