scholarly journals Marco Paolini’s Theatre of Trauma: Vajont

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-172
Author(s):  
Andrea Bini

This paper analyzes the work of actor/writer Marco Paolini, and his acclaimed monologue Il racconto del Vajont in particular. In the wake of Dario Fo and Franca Rame’s teatro civile, Paolini’s monolo­gues contributed to the birth of the so-called teatro di narrazione in the 1990s, which can also be defined as “theatre of trauma”, that is, a the­atre that recovers the memory of tragic events from the past. In recent times, trauma has become a central theme of Western narrative, poli­tics, and other forms of representation in the public sphere. Following the thought of philosophers such as Jean-François Lyotard and Slavoj Zižek, the article reads Paolini’s Il racconto del Vajont as a significant example of what writer Kyo Maclear calls “witness art.” Characterized by a crisis of the traditional models of representation in mainstream culture, witness art is conceived by Maclear in opposition to the tradi­tional divisions between art, knowledge, and the political instances of public discourse. Among Paolini’s many performances of Vaiont, the one performed at the same time and place where the tragedy took place 34 years before, and broadcasted live on RAI 2 in 1997, stands out for its uniqueness. That night, Paolini evoked the reenactment of a trau­matic experience by its witnesses, and, on a wider scale, by the audien­ce watching television at home. An almost forgotten tragedy became a media event, and for the first time trauma witnessing as such—and not as a means for a specific political claim—became part of the public discourse in the elaboration of post-1989 Italy.

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Berger

The relationship between law and religion in contemporary civil society has been a topic of increasing social interest and importance in Canada in the past many years. We have seen the practices and commitments of religious groups and individuals become highly salient on many issues of public policy, including the nature of the institution of marriage, the content of public education, and the uses of public space, to name just a few. As the vehicle for this discussion, I want to ask a straightforward question: When we listen to our public discourse, what is the story that we hear about the relationship between law and religion? How does this topic tend to be spoken about in law and politics – what is our idiom around this issue – and does this story serve us well? Though straightforward, this question has gone all but unanswered in our political and academic discussions. We take for granted our approach to speaking about – and, therefore, our way of thinking about – the relationship between law and religion. In my view, this is most unfortunate because this taken-for-grantedness is the source of our failure to properly understand the critically important relationship between law and religion.


2009 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gadsby

The terrain of heritage—where the past and present intersect—is one of a few places where anthropological archaeology can become an applied, even activist practice. This is because heritage has a kind of "slippery temporality" about it. On its surface, heritage is about history, or at least the information that we possess about the past. However, heritage happens in the present; it is really the continually evolving result of a set of contemporary ideological practices that help us to order the often confusing and incomplete knowledge we have about the past. Heritage is a story, written or spoken in the present. That story transforms the raw material of historical information into a valueladen narrative about the present. Those narratives make their way into the public consciousness, where they are operationalized in the realm of public discourse. There, in the public sphere, heritage discourses have material consequences for all parties involved.


Author(s):  
Eduardo Villanueva-Mansilla

OLPC, the One Laptop Per Child initiative, was accepted by just a few countries, including Peru. The largest acquisition of computers has produced a fairly low impact in education and is now being quietly phased-out. Peru's government decision to adopt the computers, back in 2007, was not contested or questioned by the political class, the media or even teachers, with just a rather small number of specialists arguing against it. This chapters discussed the political and argumentative processes that brought OLPC into the public sphere, through the use of a specific narrative, that of hackerism, i.e., the hacker attitude towards computers, and how social and political validation resulted in adoption. An assessment of the process of framing OLPC as a hacker product and the perils of such reasoning lead to discuss the need for a counter-narrative about the role of computers in society.


Al-Albab ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Lukis Alam

This paper discusses the passion of Islamization of the New Order, at the same time the mainstream of this power is based on economic development that provides opportunities for the growth of the Muslim middle class. Patronage model used by the New Order gives an indication that the power built by this regime wants to instill a strong influence in society.  At the same time, the New Order is depoliticizing the political attitudes of Muslims. This has implications for the marginalization of the interests of Muslims on the national stage. In this study will also be affirmed the influence of the New Order's power on the presence of the Muslim middle class. On the one hand their birth was the result of the economic development that the New Order echoed. On a different aspect, the presence of the middle class gives strong legitimacy that they are part of the dominating class structure in a country. Also will be reviewed about middle-class interference with the trend of Islamic populism that actually occurred in the era of the 80s, but re-spread after post-reform. Popular Islamic culture becomes a trend that spread through various media such as, internet, magazines, newspapers and so forth. This has received considerable response from middle-class Muslims and led to commodification. Religion facilitates to interact with modernity. Materialistic and hedonistic interests intersect with obedience in the practice of religion. On the one hand, the mode of consumption of the Muslim middle class changes with the adaptation of piety values in the public sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Predrag Terzić

The process of creating a modern state and forming political institutions corresponds to the process of transforming the subjects of the past into a community constituted on the principle of citizenship. The citizen becomes the foundation of the political community and the subject, which in interaction with other citizens, forms the public sphere. However, this does not mean that all members of the community have the same rights and obligations contained in the status of a citizen. Excluding certain categories of residents from the principle of citizenship raises a number of issues that delegitimize the existing order by colliding with the ideas of justice, freedom and equality. The aim of this short research is to clarify the principle of citizenship, its main manifestations and excluded subjects, as well as the causes that are at the root of the concept of exclusive citizenship. A brief presentation of the idea of multiculturalism does not intend to fully analytically explain this concept, but only to present in outline one of the ways of overcoming the issue of exclusive citizenship. In order to determine the social significance of the topic, a part of the text is dedicated to the ideas that form the basis of an exclusive understanding of citizenship, the reasons for its application and the far-reaching consequences of social tensions and unrest, which cannot be ignored.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Lidija Radulović

The revitalization of religion in postsocialism is followed by the revitalization of individual narratives about religious life in socialism. On the one hand, the lived experience is connected to the contemporary revitalization of religion and the public discourse promoted by the Serbian Orthodox church on the repression it suffered during socialism, and on the other hand, interlocutors tell of their positive experiences which stand in contrast to official stories. The research presented in this paper is directed toward the conceptualization of individual narratives which actualize the memories of the faithful of the life during socialism. Special attention has been paid to those aspects of the past which interlocutors consider relevant for interpreting their own relationship with religion, meanings attributed to memories and ways in which they are connected and interpreted i the context of the present.


2021 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Korinna Schönhärl

It is often noted that people remember the past to better manage the present. One major driving force of economic behaviour is expectations of the future or ‘imagined futures’, as the sociologist Jens Beckert calls them. But whereas these expectations are oriented towards the future, the frames in which they arise are strongly influenced by the past. During economically difficult situations, economic crises of the past were especially intensively remembered and discussed. The thesis of this chapter is that actors in the public sphere remember crises in alarming situations to orient themselves, construct fictional expectations of the future, and legitimize decisions that have to be taken in the present. The Greek debt crisis from 2009 onwards is used as a case study. The past crisis most recalled in collective memory in this period is the one that followed the Greek bankruptcy of 1893.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-217
Author(s):  
Tomasz Sochański

This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit.


Author(s):  
Erlis Çela

The public sphere is a concept widely studied from many different disciplines such as political sciences, sociology, dhe communication sciences. It is crucial for the well-functioning of democracy, to have a well-structured process which creates the public opinion as a synthesis of individual thoughts acting for the common interest. The concept public sphere in itself and its formation process has gone through a lot of changes since the time where the german scholar Jurgen Habermas brought for the first time its definition. The appearance of the new medias and the development in the communication technology have brought huge transformations even in the conceptual term of public sphere and public discourse. Web communication, especially the communication handled in the dixhital environment is a completely new reality which needs to be explored. Social Media like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Youtube etc, are a new communication field being used from the public factors to communicate with the audiences. The technical opportunities that these platforms offer make it possible for the transmitter and the receiver of the message to communicate in a higher level. In contrast, virtuality serves as an inducement mean for the users in the social network to be near the participators in the process of communication.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 303-317
Author(s):  
Agata Tatarenko

The article discusses the attitude of Poles towards the political transformation in 1989, based on opinion poll surveys, mainly those carried out by the Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) over the last 25 years and focusing on those from 2014–2019. The author presents the conditions in which the opinions about the political transformation were shaped, as well as the factors that influenced this process. Next, she analyzes factors impacting the Polish society’s attitude towards the transformation. The article refers to the public discourse about the past, including the education and media coverage.


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