Perception of Fry Register in Black Dialect and Standard English Speakers

1984 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 885-886 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard D. Saniga ◽  
Margaret F. Carlin ◽  
Susan C. Farrell

Speech samples from 30 women, grouped by race and use of standard southern English or black dialect, were judged for perception of fry register vocalizations. All subjects speaking standard southern English were perceived to utilize significantly fewer fry vocalizations than were black subjects speaking black dialect.

2013 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Dixon

Within the Australian education system, Aboriginal students’ use of non-standard English features is often viewed simplistically as evidence of non-attainment of literacy and oral-English milestones. One reason for this is the widespread use of assessment tools which fail to differentiate between native- English speakers and students who are learning English as a second language. In these assessments, non-standard English features are framed as ‘mistakes’ and low scores taken as evidence of ‘poor’ performance. This paper will contrast a mistake-oriented analysis with one that incorporates knowledge of the students’ first language. It will clearly show that when consideration is given to the first language, a more nuanced picture of English proficiency emerges: one that is attuned to the specific second language learning pathway and thus far better placed to inform both assessment and classroom instruction.i


2004 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Decker

In this day of ever-expanding influence of English it is rare to find a people who are shifting away from the use of English. Such is the case of the speakers of a variety of English spoken in the port town of Gustavia, St. Barthélemy in the French West Indies. The varieties of French and French Creole on St. Barths have been well documented, but there has been only passing mention of the variety of English spoken on the island. While the presence of this English variety in the Caribbean may not seem to be an anomaly, there are interesting questions to investigate regarding its origin and the shift to French. I consider some historical and linguistic evidence that may help to explain the presence of an English variety on this French island. I also investigate the origins of some non-standard English features and whether or not there is evidence of creolization. Finally, I describe some of the sociolinguistic factors relevant to the remaining English speakers in Gustavia and factors involved in their shift from English to French.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANCES BLANCHETTE ◽  
CYNTHIA LUKYANENKO

abstractThis paper uses eye-tracking while reading to examine Standard English speakers’ processing of sentences with two syntactic negations: a negative auxiliary and either a negative subject (e.g., Nothing didn’t fall from the shelf) or a negative object (e.g., She didn’t answer nothing in that interview). Sentences were read in Double Negation (DN; the ‘she answered something’ reading of she didn’t answer nothing) and Negative Concord (NC; the ‘she answered nothing’ reading of she didn’t answer nothing) biasing contexts. Despite the social stigma associated with NC, and linguistic assumptions that Standard English has a DN grammar, in which each syntactic negation necessarily contributes a semantic negation, our results show that Standard English speakers generate both NC and DN interpretations, and that their interpretation is affected by the syntactic structure of the negative sentence. Participants spent more time reading the critical sentence and rereading the context sentence when negative object sentences were paired with DN-biasing contexts and when negative subject sentences were paired with NC-biasing contexts. This suggests that, despite not producing NC, they find NC interpretations of negative object sentences easier to generate than DN interpretations. The results illustrate the utility of online measures when investigating socially stigmatized construction types.


1990 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 221-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorothy F. King ◽  
Kenneth S. Goodman

Speech-language pathologists are becoming increasingly involved in issues of bilingual education, other language and dialect learning, and other facets of learning for non-standard English speakers. Whole language provides a context for involvement in these areas that is uniquely suited for conducting communicatively based assessments and interventions, and for fostering an attitude of acceptance and advocacy. This article describes whole language as it is applied to children with cultural and linguistic differences and provides guidelines for enabling the speech-language pathologist to assume a role of active involvement.


1992 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 203-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie A. Washington ◽  
Holly K. Craig

Culturally valid speech and language testing measures for use with African-American children who are speakers of Black English (BE) are limited. An alternative to developing new tests for use with this population is to adapt currently available tests designed for use with standard English speakers. The purpose of this study was to compare the responses of 28 low-income, urban African-American preschoolers from Metropolitan Detroit who were speakers of BE on the Arizona Articulation Proficiency Scale, using a standard English and a BE scoring procedure. The findings indicated that this test does not require a BE scoring adjustment for northern children who are speakers of BE.


2018 ◽  
Vol 120 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patriann Smith ◽  
Jehanzeb Cheema ◽  
Alex Kumi-Yeboah ◽  
S. Joel Warrican ◽  
Melissa L. Alleyne

Background/Context Standard English functions as a dominant language in the English-speaking Caribbean context despite the bidialectal, bilingual, and multilingual nature of countries. Notwithstanding, Caribbean non-Standard English-speaking students continue to be administered literacy assessments that do not take into account their nonstandardized English language use. This practice inadvertently reinforces assumptions that privilege Standard English as a language of assessment (Canagarajah, 2006b; Shohamy, 2006) and that devalue certain World Englishes (Canagarajah, 2006a) in academia. Purpose/Objective/Focus of Study In this study, we examined the way in which 3,184 15-year-old 9th and 10th grade Trinidadian bidialectal adolescent youth self-identified linguistically on the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) literacy assessment and explored their reading, math, and science literacy performance based on their self-identification as native English and non-native English speaking students. Population/Participants/Subjects The population included 3,184 15-year-old students, 52.3% (n = 1,666) of whom were girls and 47.7% (n = 1,518) of whom were boys. Of this population, 28.5% (n = 909) were in Grade 9 while the rest were in Grade 10 (n = 2,275); 89.7% (n = 2,856) were enrolled in public schools and 10.3% (n = 327) were enrolled in private schools; and across these groups, 97.3% (n = 3,098) identified English (i.e., Standard English) while 2.7% (n = 86) identified a language other than Standard English as their “native” language (i.e., non-Standard English). Research Design The statistical results in our study were based on secondary analysis of a survey-based nationally representative sample of 15-year-old students from Trinidad and Tobago. We used analysis of covariance in order to control for demographic differences and used hierarchical linear modeling to verify the robustness of our empirical findings. Findings The majority of students self-identified as [Standard] English speakers despite the predominant use of nonstandardized Englishes in their country. Findings showed large and significant differences between “self-identifying native” and “self-identifying non-native” speakers of English, with higher mean scores for the former group in all three assessed areas of literacy as measured in English. Self-identifying native English speakers performed significantly below the PISA 2009 OECD mean of 500 and refected a high degree of volatility in performance. These differences persisted even after controlling for important student demographic differences such as grade, gender, school type, and indicators of socioeconomic and cultural status. Conclusions/Recommendations The study serves to justify the need for closer attention to the pervasive role of colonialism in the dominance of Standard English in multilingual testing (Shohamy, 2006), highlights the need for attention to bidialectal students’ performativity in World Englishes that challenge normative Standard English literacy proficiency (Canagarajah, 2006a), and requires that assumptions steeped in colonialism that underlie Standard English literacy testing on the PISA international measure be revisited if bidialectal adolescent learners are to be accurately represented on these measures in much the same manner as their monolingual and Standard English speaking counterparts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srishti Nayak ◽  
Inder Singh ◽  
Catherine Caldwell-Harris

Indian English only (IndE-only), e.g. “I’ll meet you here only”, is rejected as poor English by many IndE speakers. In the present study, we used a mixed method to investigate familiarity, comprehension and use of IndE-only in 20 L1 IndE speakers in the US. Participants completed a psycholinguistic task comprising syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic judgments of IndE, standard English, and grammatically or semantically odd control sentences. L1 IndE speakers’ task performance was compared to a control group of 33 American English speakers. Results showed that IndE speakers were familiar with syntactic aspects of IndE-only consistent with the literature, and were able to extract significantly more information about implicatures and conversational contexts compared to the control group. L1 IndE speakers were also interviewed about their attitudes towards IndE and IndE-only. Qualitative results indicated that despite some stigmatization, mostly in the written form, IndE-only exemplifies the emerging identity of L1 IndE.


1968 ◽  
Vol 171 (1024) ◽  
pp. 377-386 ◽  

In his paper ‘The problem of serial order in behavior’ Karl Lashley (1951, p.113) points out that ‘language presents in a most striking form the integrative functions that are characteristic of the cerebral cortex’ adding ‘... the problems raised by the organization of language seem to me to be characteristic of almost all other cerebral activity’. Some idea of the complexity of the integrative processes involved in speech can be gained from the fact that the adult speaker’s ability to produce syllables at an average speed of 210 to 220 a minute (or roughly 14 phonemes per second) means individual muscular events occurring throughout the speech apparatus at a rate of several hundred every second; in the case of some phonemes the total time required to activate the muscles involved in their production being as much as twice as long as the duration of the sound itself. Not very much is known at present about what this involves on the neuronal level, where the rate at which individual events occur must be greater by a large factor, but it is a point of considerable interest that there is at least some evidence to suggest that in some instances the order of neuronal events might be different from that of the muscular events with which they are correlated.* The point Lashley is making in his paper is that any form of behaviour revealing this degree of complexity in its organization cannot be analysed as an associative chain of reflexes. But, as he points out, in the case of speech the evidence against the associative chain hypothesis is particularly compelling. This arises from considerations of two kinds. The first is the fact that the character of certain sounds is determined not only by the sounds that precede them but also by those that follow them. The second is the fact that the character of certain sounds is determined not only by the sounds in their immediate environment but also by the position they occupy with respect to the syntactic structure of the utterance. To take just one example, the speech of Standard English speakers contains at least twelve varieties (allophones) of the phoneme t . But whenever this is the first sound in a word and is immediately followed by a vowel they will always use the aspirated allophone never any of the others. This is clear evidence that in producing utterances speakers follow out principles of organization relating to syntactic structure. To produce a plausible model for speech we have to postulate not only principles of organization more complex than the Markov processes of associative chain theories but hierarchies of organization, elements on one level corresponding to what Lashley calls ‘generalized schemata of action' and Miller, Galanter & Pribram (1960) call ‘plans’ which are carried out on the level below. Evidence in favour of such a model can be obtained from a study of speech disorders, ranging from the transpositions occurring in the speech of a tired or nervous speaker to remarks of aphasics indicating that although for the most part they can only produce strings of unintelligible sounds they still ‘know what they want to say’. All these disorders can be viewed as involving in some degree a breakdown in integrative functions, an inability to carry out successfully plans for utterances.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Shahla Qojayeva

<p>Pronouncing words with the correct stress plays an important role in communication. This has been investigated by different phoneticians, Torsuyev and Gibson amongst others, who have analyzed the different accentual patterns of English words and defined a large number of different accentual patterns. In this paper the author experimentally challenges the concept of complex accentual structures by investigating the pattern of standard British English speakers. Using the PRAAT program, a software package which is widely used in phonetic experimental research, the fundamental parameters of frequency of tone, intensity and time were measured and used to define accentual patterns of polysyllabic words as spoken by two modern standard English speakers. This study demonstrated that polysyllabic words, phrases and abbreviations exhibit only four distinct accentual-syllabic patterns. This is in direct contrast to previous work and demonstrates that accentual structure in spoken English has been over analyzed and made unnecessarily complex.</p>


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