scholarly journals Die Verwaltungsgliederung Preußens zwischen historisch-ständischen, administrativ-staatlichen und liberal-politischen Interessen (1815–1867)

Administory ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-206
Author(s):  
Anna Gianna Manca
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Territorial Division ◽  
Prospect Of Success

Abstract The paper deals with the question of the administrative districts in an overall Prussian perspective and emphasizes, above all, the central political role played by the provincial districts and their main authorities within the spaces of the state and of administrative activity. On this basis, it will be possible to adequately appreciate the revolutionary but unsuccessful attempt to abolish them in 1848 by the liberaldemocratic wing of the Constitutional Commission of the Prussian National Assembly, as has not yet been accomplished within the existing historiography. First, the origins of the spatial-territorial division of Prussia existing around the middle of the 19th century are discussed. Within this framework special attention has been paid to the introduction of a provincial division, which led to that organization of internal administration into four instances under the minister (provinces, governmental districts, districts, municipalities) which was a peculiarity of the Prussian political and administrative spatial division compared with the other states of the German Confederation. Questions such as those of the basic division of the state’s space are so radical that they are usually raised with some prospect of success only at the foundation of states or during revolutions. Immediately afterwards, they tend to be included in the list of ›depoliticized technicalities‹, although they retain their fundamental importance for ensuring the political and administrative continuity of the state.

scholarly journals A POLÍTICA DE CARIDADE, ASSISTÊNCIA E PROTEÇÃO À INFÂNCIA DESVALIDA EM BELÉM DO PARÁ: DO IMPÉRIO À REPÚBLICA

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protection Policy ◽  
Childhood Care ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The City

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>

PROBLEMS OF JURISPRUDENCE IN THE "PHILOSOPHICAL MANIFESTO OF THE HISTORICAL SCHOOL OF LAW" BY K. MARX

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Yurevich Panchenko ◽  
◽  
Ivan Yurevich Makarchuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Significant Influence ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical School ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Revolutionary Situation ◽  
The 19Th Century

During the Soviet period of studying the Marxist heritage, it was noted that the historical school of law is extremely reactionary, since the school did not have any significant influence on the development of political and legal theory of Germany in the first third of the 19th century; the ideas of its representatives did not contribute in any way to the accelerated maturation of the revolutionary situation on the eve of the turbulent 1848, when the issues of a radical reorganization of the state and society were on the agenda. Nevertheless, the views of representatives of the historical school of law occupy a worthy place among the political and legal teachings of the first half of the 19th century.

Rechtsbrüche

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Society ◽  
90Th Birthday ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The Law ◽  
The 19Th Century

‘The legal world finds itself in a state of self-imposed immaturity.’ This was Rudolf Wiethölter’s assessment in 1968, which reflected his discomfort with the law. What help could the political society at that time, which wanted to implement democracy earnestly, expect from a form of law which was influenced by the authoritarian state of the 19th century? It was not possible to make the law relevant to the present and to understand it with other theories using the 19th century ideal of the ‘Juristen als solchen’, the jurist who focuses solely on applying the letter of the law rather than taking extra legal matters into account. The law needed to be clarified, with society needing to know what its rights were and with the law itself needing to understand itself. What about the situation today? Has Germany, as a democratic constitutional and welfare state founded on its Basic Law, come to understand itself in terms of the law? How can the law open up access to politics? What is the state of critical jurisprudence? On the occasion of Rudolf Wiethölter’s 90th birthday, the appraisals of his concepts conducted by the contributions in this book avoid the cosiness and sentimentality adopted by most Festschriften by consistently focusing on his key works and re-evaluating them according to circumstances today, which makes clear that explaining the law requires a reconstruction of its promises and disappointments. Only then can the law understand why breaches of the law by reality can further its own development.

Religion and the Writing of the Colorado Constitution

1961 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-360
Author(s):  
Donald W. Hensel
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
American History ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Force ◽  
Catholic Reformation ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Southern Half ◽  
The 19Th Century

Religion has been a potent social force throughout American history. The reverberations of the Protestant Revolt and the Catholic Reformation have been experienced many times in many American communities since the 17th century, in varying degrees of intensity. Colorado, in the last quarter of the 19th century, was typical of this tradition. Colorado had been part of a vast Spanish domain and, therefore, many of its citizens, particularly in the southern half, were both Spanish-speaking and Catholic in faith. On the other hand, a preponderance of the adventurers and fortune-hunters who came after the gold discoveries of 1858 and 1859 and who tended to settle around and north of Denver, were Protestants. This, then, was the religious setting as convention delegates met in Denver in the winter of 1875-1876 to write a constitution for the state.

The history of Iberian archaeology: one archaeology for two Spains

Antiquity ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 76 (291) ◽  
pp. 184-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arturo Ruiz ◽  
Alberto Sánchez ◽  
Juan P. Bellón
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Model ◽  
The 19Th Century

IntroductionIn this article we set out to analyse, from an archaeological point of view, a political problem which, as demonstrated by current debate, including acts of violence, goes well beyond archaeology. Throughout the 19th century, and especially in its latter half, a centralist political model for Spain was developed in which a political balance could not be found between the State and [lie autonomous traditions of the varions regions of the Iherian Peninsula. As a result of this failure, legitimation programmes began to be constructed towards the end of 19th century, based on the history of the peoples of these regions. This led to a search in protohistorical archaeology [Iberians, Celts, Tartessians, etc.) for a possible solution to the political problems caused by a lack of institutional agreement between states and regions.

Armut und institutionelle Armenfürsorge. Vom Elend der Zuständigkeit

2021 ◽  
pp. 809-834
Author(s):  
Martin Scheutz
Keyword(s):  
Old Age ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Institutional Care ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
General Hospitals ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

Poverty and Institutional Poor Relief. The Misery of Responsibility. Poor relief in Lower Austria in the 19th century took place in an area of conflict between municipalities, the political districts and the state, the law on the right of domicile, amended in 1863, placing provision services primarily on the shoulders of the municipalities. The communes had to care for the local poor, the “push system” (Schubsystem) returned them to their home communes – but such care mostly proved inadequate. After the unbundling of institutional care for the poor via the foundation of general hospitals, ever more poorhouses dedicated to old-age care were built, but also hostels (Naturalverpflegestationen), which were principally aimed at jobseekers.

scholarly journals Od ideologije do subverzije: promišljanje jugoslavenstva u Hrvatskoj u 21. stoljeću

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-76
Author(s):  
Petr Stehlík
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Cultural Model ◽  
The Past ◽  
A Value ◽  
Privileged Status ◽  
The 19Th Century

After the breakup of Yugoslavia and the “abduction” of Yugoslav name by the regime of Slobodan Milošević, it seemed that Yugoslavism is a concept solely belonging to the past. Yugoslavism lost its national-integrational role it used to have in the 19th century, as well as its privileged status of the state ideology, which it used to enjoy in both incarnations of Yugoslavia. However, at the dawn of 21st century several Croatian intellectuals – with historian and publicist Dragan Markovina at the forefront – strive to reconceive Yugoslavism. The aim of the paper is to present and contextualize their deliberations on Yugoslavism as a subversive strategy and a value alternative to the dominant cultural model in Croatia and the other countries of the former Yugoslavia.

scholarly journals The Constant Gardener

2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (102) ◽  
pp. 56-73
Author(s):  
Jacob Bøggild ◽  
Jens Henrik Holm
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Specific Nature ◽  
Harold Bloom ◽  
Hegelian Dialectic ◽  
The 19Th Century

Om kampen om anerkendelse og den artige revolution i H. C. Andersens »Gartneren og Herskabet« The Constant GardenerH. C. Andersen’s tale »The Gardener and the Royal Family« appears to be one of his very straightforward ones, the irony in it of a satirical and therefore stable kind. Moreover, it seems obvious that the tale is an allegory about the miscredited artist, one such as Andersen conceived himself to be, as well as about the political changes in Denmark in the latter part of the 19th century. Still, it has engendered conflicting views amongst its critics. This fact has prompted Ib Johansen to hail it as a »strong« text in the sense of Harold Bloom. This article expands on Johansen’s view in seeking to tease out in what aspects of the text this strength might be grounded. The answer we offer is that it is grounded in the figure of the gardener, who reamains a blank surface, so to speak, and subsequently represents a radical openness to interpretation. This, we further argue, brackets the aforementioned possibilities for an allegorical reading of one or the other kind. Previous readings by Peer E. Sørensen, Johan de Mylius and Ib Johansen are discussed in the process. Furthermore, we discover the Hegelian dialectic between the master and the slave to be an operative force in the text. What comes forth, we believe, is an added awareness of the specific nature of the revolutionary force of Andersen’s irony, measured also in contrast to the irony of another tale of his, »The Storm Shifts the Sideboards«, even in a case where it, at a first glance, appears to be of a facile and easily decipherable kind.

The Concept of “Zemsky Sobor” in the Interpretation of State Authority in Russia of the 19th Century: From Karamzin to Stepnyak-Kravchinsky

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.

MECHANISMS FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL TAXES AND INSURANCE

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (13) ◽  
pp. 121-130
Author(s):  
Anatolii Petrovich Mykolaiets
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Production Management ◽  
National Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Environmental Taxes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Natural Form

It is noted that from the standpoint of sociology, “management — a function of organized systems of various nature — (technical, biological, social), which ensures the preservation of their structure, maintaining a certain state or transfer to another state, in accordance with the objective laws of the existence of this system, which implemented by a program or deliberately set aside”. Management is carried out through the influence of one subsystem-controlling, on the other-controlled, on the processes taking place in it with the help of information signals or administrative actions. It is proved that self-government allows all members of society or a separate association to fully express their will and interests, overcome alienation, effectively combat bureaucracy, and promote public self-realization of the individual. At the same time, wide direct participation in the management of insufficiently competent participants who are not responsible for their decisions, contradicts the social division of labor, reduces the effectiveness of management, complicates the rationalization of production. This can lead to the dominance of short-term interests over promising interests. Therefore, it is always important for society to find the optimal measure of a combination of self-management and professional management. It is determined that social representation acts, on the one hand, as the most important intermediary between the state and the population, the protection of social interests in a politically heterogeneous environment. On the other hand, it ensures the operation of a mechanism for correcting the political system, which makes it possible to correct previously adopted decisions in a legitimate way, without resorting to violence. It is proved that the system of social representation influences the most important political relations, promotes social integration, that is, the inclusion of various social groups and public associations in the political system. It is proposed to use the term “self-government” in relation to several levels of people’s association: the whole community — public self-government or self-government of the people, to individual regions or communities — local, to production management — production self-government. Traditionally, self-government is seen as an alternative to public administration. Ideology and practice of selfgovernment originate from the primitive, communal-tribal democracy. It is established that, in practice, centralization has become a “natural form of government”. In its pure form, centralization does not recognize the autonomy of places and even local life. It is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, but it is also widely used by democratic regimes, where they believe that political freedoms should be fixed only at the national level. It is determined that since the state has achieved certain sizes, it is impossible to abandon the admission of the existence of local authorities. Thus, deconcentration appears as one of the forms of centralization and as a cure for the excesses of the latter. Deconcentration assumes the presence of local bodies, which depend on the government functionally and in the order of subordination of their officials. The dependency of officials means that the leadership of local authorities is appointed by the central government and may be displaced.

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