scholarly journals From Farm to Table: The Foodways Connection Between Rural and Urban Women in Syria After World War I

2001 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Peterson

Hone Kouka's historical plays Nga Tangata Toa and Waiora, created and produced in Aotearoa/New Zealand, one set in the immediate aftermath of World War I, and the other during the great Māori urban migrations of the 1960s, provide fresh insights into the way in which individual Māori responded to the tremendous social disruptions they experienced during the twentieth century. Much like the Māori orator who prefaces his formal interactions with a statement of his whakapapa (genealogy), Kouka reassembles the bones of both his ancestors, and those of other Māori, by demonstrating how the present is constructed by the past, offering a view of contemporary Māori identity that is traditional and modern, rural and urban, respectful of the past and open to the future.


Author(s):  
E. Douglas Bomberger

Examining the aftermath of 1917, this section traces the impact of the year’s events on future US musical directions. Recording technology advances made the spread of jazz possible, led to heightened fidelity of sound reproduction in classical music, and eventually altered the entire culture of live performance. Classical music did not disappear, but the advent of jazz presaged the coming dominance of popular music. World War I’s aftermath spawned a culture war between rural and urban Americans, and gains made by African American servicemen encountered a backlash of racial violence and discrimination in the 1920s. The negative stereotypes of the war years hastened German American assimilation. World War II saw different cultural and musical responses, and American classical composers benefited from World War II patriotism in ways their predecessors had not. Finally, the ability of “The Star-Spangled Banner” to unite and divide Americans is an ongoing legacy of World War I.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Rusnak

The article deals with the characteristics of the ethno-demographic situation in Northern Bukovyna and Khotyn region during their stay in Romania. It was found that one of the positive effects can be considered a gradual increase in the total population of the studied region by 15,69%. At a time when Ukrainians were experiencing a number of demographic disasters, the Bukovyna-Bessarabian region recovered from the aftermath of World War I and demonstrated a qualitative population growth trend. Along with this slowdown was urbanization. Although in the interwar period the number of urban population increased by 18,29%, but the ratio of rural and urban residents did not change significantly. Migration processes from the village to the city, even if they took place, are hardly reflected in statistics. The highest rates of population growth were observed in Chernivtsi (by 19,9%). Due to the lack of reliable census materials, it is not possible to determine the exact national composition of the region. Instead, it is confirmed that among all the nationalities, who lived in Vashkivtsi, Vyzhnytsia, Zastavna, Kitsman, Storozhynets, Khotyn and Chernivtsi districts that existed before 1925, and in Storozhynets, Khotyn and Chernivtsi districts formed instead of them, Ukrainians were predominant. Keywords: Northern Bukovyna, Khotyn region, population, national composition


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Tumblin

This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.


Author(s):  
Anthony Gorman

This chapter traces the development of the radical secular press in Egypt from its first brief emergence in the 1870s until the outbreak of World War I. First active in the 1860s, the anarchist movement gradually expanded its membership and influence over subsequent decades to articulate a general social emancipation and syndicalism for all workers in the country. In the decade and a half before 1914, its press collectively propagated a critique of state power and capitalism, called for social justice and the organisation of labour, and promoted the values of science and public education in both a local context and as part of an international movement. In seeking to promote a programme at odds with both nationalism and colonial rule, it incurred the hostility of the authorities in addition to facing the practical problems of managing and financing an oppositional newspaper.


Author(s):  
Odile Moreau

This chapter explores movement and circulation across the Mediterranean and seeks to contribute to a history of proto-nationalism in the Maghrib and the Middle East at a particular moment prior to World War I. The discussion is particularly concerned with the interface of two Mediterranean spaces: the Middle East (Egypt, Ottoman Empire) and North Africa (Morocco), where the latter is viewed as a case study where resistance movements sought external allies as a way of compensating for their internal weakness. Applying methods developed by Subaltern Studies, and linking macro-historical approaches, namely of a translocal movement in the Muslim Mediterranean, it explores how the Egypt-based society, al-Ittihad al-Maghribi, through its agent, Aref Taher, used the press as an instrument for political propaganda, promoting its Pan-Islamic programme and its goal of uniting North Africa.


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