scholarly journals Myopia Index

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Moreira Marquez ◽  
Wellington Cançado Coelho
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Resolution ◽  
Ground Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Google Earth ◽  
National Agency ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Gaze ◽  
Maximum Resolution ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Public Character

Google Earth is a vision device that operates in the tension between two sets of eyes: vertical and horizontal. The vertical eye locates the observer outside the lived area in a privileged point, far from everyday life. With Google Earth, we have the globe to manipulate with our hands, in a radical disparity of the subject and world. But this world is a set of juxtaposed fragments of images, captured from above. The interval between the limit of resolution of each image when we descend into the soil and the approximate height of our eye on the ground level (1.70 m) is what we call Myopia Space of Google Earth, which is variable for each visited place. Myopia Index measures the public character of the Google Earth territory, since it is universally accessible but always controlled from a privileged place. The GeoEye, currently the commercial satellite capable of generating images with higher spatial resolution, is supported, firstly by the National Agency of the United States Geospatial Intelligence (NGA) and, secondly, by Google. The NGA will receive images from up to 43 cm spatial resolution, while Google does not exceed 50 cm in maximum resolution, due to a restriction imposed by the U.S. government. No gaze is neutral, much less the gaze of satellites that carry politically adjustable myopias. And if there are natural clouds, which hinder the satellites view while they pass, there are also the artificial clouds that freeze the landscape as compulsory vigilant glasses. This article accompanies the film Global Safari: Powered by Google, which can be viewed at: http://blip.tv/file/3698794/

“We Find Ourselves Preoccupied with the World of the Present”: Humanist Resistance to Progressive Education in Ontario

2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-318
Author(s):  
Theodore Michael Christou
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Progressive Education ◽  
School Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
Curriculum Theory ◽  
The Public ◽  
Faculty Psychology ◽  
Rapid Social Change ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Subject

The work here explores the voices of Ontario's humanist educators, who advocated for the preservation of a curriculum theory rooted in faculty psychology, mental discipline, and the classics in the face of progressivist revisions to the province's public school organization. A great deal of scholastic sweat has been poured over the subject of progressive education, its meanings, and its purposes. Much less has been said about the critics of progressivist reform, who are referred to here as humanists; this term follows from the work of Herbert Kliebard, who characterized humanists as one of four competing interests in an epic struggle over the curriculum in the United States. Theodore Christou dubbed humanists “foils” to the progressivist reformers who succeeded in overturning Ontario'sProgrammes of Studyfor the public schools. Kliebard defined this group as:the guardians of an ancient tradition tied to the power of reason and the finest elements of the Western cultural heritage… to them fell the task of reinterpreting, and thereby preserving as best as they could, their revered traditions and values in the face of rapid social change and a burgeoning school system.

scholarly journals The Study’s Origins and Methodology

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Daniela Bandelli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
International Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
The Subject ◽  
United States Mexico

AbstractThis chapter discusses the origin, spirit, objectives and methodology of this study on the surrogacy international debate. The aim of this study is to explain the politics of signification on surrogacy carried out especially by the women’s movement, verifying how it is contributing to the public discourse and policies on the subject, how it is being organized, as well as dividing, and how the proposed instances fit into global discourses and are recontextualized on the basis of social specificities. These aims are pursued through three case studies in the United States, Mexico and Italy. The key concepts of the theoretical framework of the research will also be described in this chapter, such as: the women’s movement, diagnostic and prognostic frames.

Biblical Lessons on Third-Party Reproduction

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Richard Whitekettle ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Heterosexual Couples ◽  
The Public ◽  
Same Sex Couples ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Sperm Donors ◽  
The World ◽  
Third Party Reproduction ◽  
The Subject

Third-party reproduction uses ovum donors, sperm donors, embryo donors, and gestational surrogates in various combinations to create a child for heterosexual couples, same-sex couples, and individuals to raise. Its use is increasing in the United States and around the world, and it is increasingly the subject of legislation. But third-party reproduction tells the individuals who provide the ovum, sperm, and gestation required to create a child that they are reproductive mechanisms, not reproductive persons. By contrast, multiple stories in the Bible involving third-party reproduction recognize the motherhood and fatherhood, and thus the reproductive personhood, of those whose sexual union brings forth a new child. This is an important point for people of faith and the public to be mindful of.

Nationality: Jus Soli or Jus Sanguinis

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Brown Scott
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Private International Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
Law Of Nations ◽  
Difference Of Opinion ◽  
The Status ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government

There is no topic of present interest, involving as it does the status of men, women and children of various countries, and even of birth in the same country, as that of nationality. It bristles with difficulties! To begin with, various terms are used, apparently meant to mean one and the same thing, although unless they are carefully defined, they may refer to different aspects of the subject. For example, “ national” is used as a synonym for “ subject” or “ citizen,” yet one may be a national of a country, and subject to its jurisdiction, without, however, being a citizen—as in the case of the Filipinos, who are, indeed, subject to the Government of the United States and entitled to its protection abroad, although they are not citizens either in the sense of international, or of national law. Then there is a difference of opinion as to the branch of law to which the matter belongs—the Englishspeaking peoples regarding it as forming part of the public law of nations, whereas others consider it as more properly falling within the domain of private international law, to which, in turn, the English world gives the not inappropriate designation of conflict of laws.

scholarly journals Editor's Column: Collateral Damage

PMLA ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 119 (5) ◽  
pp. 1209-1215
Author(s):  
Marianne Hirsch
Keyword(s):  
Emotional Response ◽  
The United States ◽  
Visual Images ◽  
Collateral Damage ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Armed Services Committee ◽  
Donald Rumsfeld ◽  
Armed Services ◽  
Abu Ghraib Prison

In an interview following his 7 may 2004 testimony to the Senate Armed Services Committee, Donald Rumsfeld, the United States secretary of defense, admitted knowing about abuses at the Abu Ghraib prison since they were first exposed in January. He also knew of the existence of photographs documenting the abuses, but he had not studied the images until shortly before they were shown to the public during the first week of May. In asserting that “[i]t is the photographs that give one the vivid realization of what actually took place” and that “[w]ords don't do it,” Rumsfeld expressed, and even surpassed, one of the prime clichés of our time, that a picture is worth a thousand words. Before the power of visual images, the subject has an uncontrollable emotional response: “you cannot help but be outraged.”

scholarly journals The First Amendment and the End of the World

2007 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stewart Harris
Keyword(s):  
First Amendment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Biological Weapons ◽  
The Public ◽  
Chemical And Biological Weapons ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Mere Possession ◽  
Types Of Information

This paper deals with a serious question that is largely unaddressed by the U.S. or international legal systems: how should society deal with inherently, catastrophically dangerous information—information that, in the wrong hands, could lead to the destruction of a city, a continent, or, conceivably, the entire planet? Such information includes, but is not limited to, blueprints for nuclear weapons, as well as specific formulae for chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction. The paper is not a critique of the existing statutes and regulations that various governments use to keep their secrets secret. Rather, it is a discussion of what to do when some such secrets are inevitably disclosed, or, more generally, how to deal with catastrophically dangerous information that is generated outside of governmental control. Addressing these issues is primarily a matter of policy, but policy with significant constitutional dimensions. Perhaps the most fundamental of thosedimensions is the question of whether a governmental restriction on receipt, dissemination, and even mere possession of information can be reconciled with the speech and press clauses of the First Amendment. Although existing authorities do not directly address the subject, what little authority there is suggests that reasonable restrictions upon the possession and dissemination of catastrophically dangerous information—even when that information is already within the public domain—can be implemented in a way that is consistent with the First Amendment. Given the growing urgency of the subject and the need for a comprehensive approach, I advocate a statutory solution in the United States that defines and limits access to catastrophically dangerous information, but which also limits governmental seizures and restrictions to only the most dangerous types of information, and which provides for a pre-seizure warrant requirement and expedited post-seizure judicial review. Given the global dimensions of the problem, I also advocate a corresponding international regime patterned upon the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty of 1968.

scholarly journals Organisational culture and safety: an interdependent relationship

2002 ◽  
Vol 25 (6) ◽  
pp. 181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoff Clark
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Human Error ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Organisational Culture ◽  
System Failures ◽  
The Public ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Health Care Safety

Since the early 1990s,a body of evidence regarding the lack of quality in health care has emerged in many countries including Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and the United States of America. It has brought the subject of health care safety to the top of the policy agenda and the forefront of the public debate worldwide. Studies show not only that failure of quality occurs, but also that it inflicts harm and wastes resources on a large scale. Experts in risk management, both within and outside the health care industry, emphasize system failures and system-driven errors over direct human error, and accentuate the crucial role that organisational culture plays in ensuring safety. Examination of the interrelationship between culture and safety in organisations demonstrates that organisational relationships influence both culture and safety and that effective two-way communication is pivotal to the success of the development of a corporate 'safety culture'.

The Legal Status of American Political Parties, I

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Starr
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Practical Importance ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One

The legal status of political parties in the United States is far from being clearly defined. On the one hand, we do not have a mass of legislation and court decisions clearly constituting the political party as a branch of the government, as in the leading fascist countries of Europe; and, on the other hand, we do not have a situation similar to that of Great Britain or France, where political parties are practically unregulated except for laws designed to control subversive groups. To gain a concept of the legal position of American political parties, a great deal of legislation which differs widely in many particulars among the forty-eight states must be surveyed, and certain categories of common and public law must be explored. Even when the many branches of the law that seem to impinge upon the subject have been brought into view, the legal position of our political parties still seems elusive and indefinite. Yet the subject is one of considerable practical importance, since the near future is likely to bring insistent demands for new and more drastic regulation of political parties. A consideration of the rights of American political parties, and the scope of the powers of the legislature to interfere with parties in the public interest, therefore seems appropriate at the present time.

Federalism, State Action, and “Critical Episodes” in the Growth of American Government

1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-577
Author(s):  
Ballard C. Campbell
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Government ◽  
Temporal Perspective ◽  
Critical Dimensions ◽  
State Action ◽  
The Public ◽  
Research Designs ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Historical Accounts

The publication of Robert Higgs’s Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government (1987) has interested students of the expansion of governmental activity. Despite a large literature on the growth of the public sector, Crisis is one of the few book-length historical accounts of the subject for the United States (Larkey et al. 1984). In this respect, Higgs’s study resembles Stephen Skowronek’s Building a New American State (1982), which also examined the historical transformation of government, albeit within a limited temporal perspective (1877–1920), and which like Crisis encased the story within a distinct theoretical framework. Skowronek argued that expansion of the public sector depended on the reconstruction of national administrative capability during the Progressive era. Higgs contended that major crises in American life functioned as the catalyst of “Big Government.” Although each author emphasized different dynamics propelling growth, both held that temporally specific disjunctures in governmental history date the emergence of the modern state. Higgs and Skowronek share one other similarity: neither of them adequately integrated federalism or the states into their analyses. Omission of these critical dimensions of the American polity raises questions about the utility of their research designs and the accuracy of their conclusions.

Public Interest Environmental Groups in the United States and Britain

1979 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy O'Riordan
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
Environmental Groups ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Function ◽  
The Subject

In a democratic political system policymaking takes place as a consequence of the clash of competing interests promoted in part by pressure groups. In the past many pressure groups operated in the shadows between the spotlight of intense publicity and the dark spaces where decision-takers and their advisers are to be found. More recently, especially in the case of the “ cause ” groups that form the subject of this analysis, pressure groups are working more consciously in the public arena both to arouse support and to widen the general understanding of the causes they espouse. Broadly speaking the political function of a pressure group is to recognize and publicize deficiencies in governmental activity; to try to influence in their favour governmental decisions; to provide information about events or problems that otherwise might not be available for decision-takers to consider; and, in some instances, to focus public attention on and increase public understanding of particular issues of wide social and moral significance.

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