Попытка смены поколений партийно-советской номенклатуры… как инструмент преодоления кризиса Коммунистической Партии Украины (1985–1991 гг.)

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (336) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Oleksander Bojko ◽  
Yuliia Kuzmenko
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Loss Of Control ◽  
Generational Change ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Ukraine Crisis

Abstract: The article aims at an in-depth analysis of the Communist Party of Ukraine crisis at the time of Perestroika (1985-1991). The consequences of the crisis are mass resignations, formation of fractions and platforms, regionalization and decentralization of party structures. Furthermore, the crisis contributes to continuing fall in authority of CPSU in general and of CPU in particular limiting its access to real levers of influence upon the transformational processes; the loss of control over the course of reforms; the growth of spontaneity, chaos and uncontrollability in the development of society. In order to overcome the crisis, the Communist Party makes an attempt at a generational change in the Soviet party nomenclature, which is supposed to significantly rejuvenate the political elite of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR. However, the authors of the article, having analyzed archival documents, prove that in the Ukrainian SSR, a generational change does not take place, and the young cadres who come to power have no real influence. An attempt to change generations in the country's political elite fails and becomes the cause of internal political conflict.

scholarly journals Political control and journalist protests in Spanish public media in electoral campaigns: A decade of conflict

2018 ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Carme Ferré-Pavia
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
Professional Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Ethical Implications ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Previous Election ◽  
Public Broadcaster

For thirteen consecutive years, Catalan public broadcasting journalists have protested against the so-called coverage quotas established by Spanish electoral regulations. According to those regulations, during election campaigns, broadcasters are required to use a calculated number related to the proportion of votes cast in the previous election to determine the amount of broadcast time they allot to each party. Journalists have repeatedly and publicly complained about the quotas, while simultaneously explaining the effects of the quotas to the audience and not crediting authorship of this news. This paper undertakes an in-depth analysis of the case and its historical roots from different angles: the protests, the journalists’ professional roles, the political parties’ strategies, the roles of the regulatory boards and the initiatives taken by some professional organizations and institutions. The theoretical framework focuses on the mistrust between the political class and journalists in the context of a mediatized conflict with ethical implications. The methodology includes extensive document examination, news content analysis and interviews. The results indicate that the Spanish political class has deemed the performance of the Catalan public broadcaster as tending to equate political information with electoral spots controlled by parties. The consequence of this has been an enduring conflict between politicians and Catalan journalists that distances citizens from both of them. Keywords: Spanish public media, media conflict, journalistic-political conflict, politics and ethics in media.

The Politics of Destabilization and Confrontation: the Campaign against Lin Biao and Confucius in Zhejiang Province, 1974

1986 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 433-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Forster
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socialist Society ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Political Scene

In the five years between the disappearance of Lin Biao in 1971 and the death of Mao Zedong in 1976 the Chinese political scene was highly volatile. Mass campaigns erupted regularly, disrupting and diverting efforts to normalize political, economic and social activities, which had originally been thrown into chaos during the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution. After the 10th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in August 1973 the question of succession to the ageing Mao and ailing Premier Zhou Enlai became a matter of urgency to the political elite. At issue was the direction China would take in the post-Mao era, central to which was an assessment of the validity of Mao's thesis concerning the continuation of class struggle in socialist society, and his attempt to put into operation the conclusions he drew from this analysis.

scholarly journals System rządów parlamentarnych na obszarze poradzieckim: casus Mołdawii i Łotwy

2018 ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Fedorowicz
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Formal System ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Former Ussr

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

scholarly journals Regime and state breakdown: dissolution of the Soviet Union

2020 ◽  
pp. 309-322
Author(s):  
Fei Haiting
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Science ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Loss Of Control ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
State Breakdown

The mechanism of causality between the breakdown of political regime and the disintegration of a state is an important topic in political science. The dissolution of the Soviet Union is a typical example. The aim of perestroika was the transformation of the political regime by renewing the top elite and inclusion of mass groups in the system of government. The initiators of the reform planned to achieve their goals through the general reconstruction of relations between the CPSU and the Soviet state, the redistribution of power from the party elite to the Soviet one concentrated in the Councils of People’s Deputies at various levels. In practice, the implementation of two reforms at once (distancing the party from the authorities and optimizing governance) led to the split of the entire political elite. The struggle of opposing elite groups for dominance led to the paralysis of state power, the loss of control over what was happening in the country. As a result, the interests of elite groups began to prevail over the national interests and ultimately led to the destruction of the state. Thus the authorsubstantiates the thesis that the destabilization of a regime as a result of the inter-elite struggle leads to the destruction of a state. The problem of elite renewal and consolidation and the transfer powers from the party elite to the state one becomes important.

From the Communist Party to the Front de gauche. The French radical left from 1989 to 2014

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Damiani ◽  
Marino De Luca
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Left Front ◽  
Radical Left

This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a political federation to the left of the Socialist Party with positive electoral results.

Political Mobilization and Violence in Central Luzon (Philippines)

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-705 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto D. Van Den Muijzenberg
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
The Political ◽  
The North ◽  
Peasant Movement ◽  
Set Up

Central Luzon is a fertile plain directly to the north of metropolitan Manila. This region, thoroughly colonized and densely populated, has been a centre of agrarian unrest for decades. In the forties and fifties Central Luzon formed the nucleus of a peasant movement which produced the strongest anti-Japanese guerilla-army in the whole Southeast Asia, the Hukbalahap (an abbreviation of Anti-Japanese People's Army) or in short Huks. The strength of this army came primarily from the fact that the struggle against the national enemy could be combined with the pre-war conflict between the peasants and the landowners.The latter, together with the Constabulary, sided for the most part with the Japanese. At the time of the liberation in 1945 most of the local and provincial administration was in the hands of the Huks. However,having quickly regained the top positions, the political elite, who feared having quickly regained the top positions, the political elite, who feared to this. When this elite first refused to allow the radical people's represen-tatives delegated from Central Luzon to take their seats in parliament,and then attempted to recapture political mastery in Central Luzon by means of force, the Huk movement was compelled to adopt an ever more militant attitude.In the process,the leadership of the popular front set up by the Hukbalahap moved more and more towards the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). The result was no less than a complete incorporation of all guerillas into the CPP in 1950. It had already been decided in 1948 that the policy of a parliamentary and legal conflict which had hitherto been pursued was not adiquate,and that force would have to play a decisive role. The Anti-Japanese People's Army was re-christened the People's Liberation Army(HMB).i

scholarly journals The Democratic Effect of Direct Democracy

2016 ◽  
Vol 110 (4) ◽  
pp. 750-762 ◽  
Author(s):  
LUCAS LEEMANN ◽  
FABIO WASSERFALLEN
Keyword(s):  
Multilevel Modeling ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Empirical Investigation ◽  
Formal Model ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
The Political

A key requirement of democratic governance is that policy outcomes and the majority preference of the electorate are congruent. Many studies argue that the more direct democratic a system is, the more often voters get what they want, but the empirical evidence is mixed. This analysis explores the democratic effect of initiatives and referendums theoretically and empirically. The prediction of the formal model is that “bad” representation (i.e., a large preference deviation between the electorate and the political elite) is good for the democratic effect of direct democracy. An empirical investigation of original voter and elite survey data, analyzed with multilevel modeling and poststratification, supports this argument. Building on the literature, the findings of the analysis suggest that the extent to which direct democratic institutions are conducive for policy congruence—and may thus be advisable as democratic correctives to representative systems—depends on the political conflict structure.

The Politics of Poor Relief in the Late Ottoman Empire 1876-1914

1999 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadir Özbek
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
World War ◽  
Second Constitutional Period ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Late Ottoman

This article examines the Ottoman state's increasing involvement in caring for the poor and the needy and the emergence of modern relief institutions and hospitals throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The particular focus will be on the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909) and the second constitutional period (1908-14) up until World War I.Rather than presenting the emergence of poor-relief institutions in the Ottoman Empire as a function of increasing poverty and need, or as a function of the state's desire to control and regulate the urban population for various concerns, I concentrate on the dynamics of the political sphere. I will focus particularly on the political conflict between the sultan and the new political elite, whose identity was defined in relation to newly structured state functions and services.

The CPSU in Transition from Brezhnev to Gorbachev

1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bohdan Harasymiw
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
White Collar ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Leadership Succession ◽  
New Members ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Political Roles

AbstractLeadership succession in the Soviet Union has always had some impact on the composition of the ruling Communist party, which is otherwise determined normally by the force of social status. As the CPSU constitutes the pool from which the Soviet political elite is drawn, changes in that pool brought about by the succession of Gorbachev are bound to have implications for the future. Apparently unable at the beginning of his term to stem the intake of new members, Gorbachev has made dramatic use of expulsions to regulate the composition of the party. In their overall effect, his policies have shown a remarkable continuity with the Brezhnev period. This includes the enhancement of workers’ and peasants’ chances of being drawn into full-time political roles at the expense of white-collar persons. The net effect is likely to be a widening of the gap between the party and the intelligentsia, who are effectively excluded from membership in the political elite.

scholarly journals Political conflict in the reform of the Eurozone

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Lehner ◽  
Fabio Wasserfallen
Keyword(s):  
Financial Economic ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Economic And Monetary Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Integration ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Fiscal Transfer ◽  
Reduction Methods

The negotiations on the reforms of the Economic and Monetary Union were highly conflictual. This article analyses the dimensions of conflict that structured these negotiations. Using several dimension-reduction methods, we conduct an in-depth analysis of the ‘EMU Positions’ dataset, which codes the positions of all EU member states over a broad range of fiscal, financial, economic, and institutional integration proposals. The empirical findings show that the political contestation in the reform of the Eurozone is one-dimensional between advocates of fiscal transfer and discipline. On this one-dimensional scale, we identify three broader coalitions, while Germany and France lead the two opposing groups. This conflict structure provides a setting conducive to the constant (re-)negotiation of compromises. We conclude the analysis with a discussion of several implications.

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