scholarly journals LA PRODUCCIÓN SOCIAL DEL ESPACIO SALITRERO TARAPAQUEÑO DURANTE EL CICLO DE EXPANSIÓN: ENTRE LA NECESIDAD PATRONAL DE CONTROL SOCIAL Y LA RESISTENCIA DE LA SOCIEDAD PAMPINA

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Artaza Barrios
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
Relative Efficiency ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Production ◽  
Production Of Space ◽  
Weak State ◽  
Inverse Process

Se explora una dimensión poco atendida de la resistencia pampina. Planteando que el ciclo expansivo del salitre tarapaqueño se estructuró sobre un arreglo particular entre los empresarios salitreros y el Estado, caracterizado por una explotación privada y una débil presencia estatal, donde los primeros aspiraron a producir un espacio dominado como un enclave salitrero, ejerciendo un férreo control social sobre la mano de obra. Postulamos que la sociedad pampina, a través de sus prácticas cotidianas, logró resistir con relativa eficacia las necesidades de control patronal y, a la vez, implementar un proceso inverso de producción social del espacio, el que se reflejó en la estructuración de un territorio altamente integrado. ABSTRACT An unattended dimension of the Pampina resistance is explored. It proposes that the expansive cycle of the Tarapacan saltpeter was structured on a particular arrangement between the saltpeter businessmen and the State, characterized by a private exploitation and a weak state presence, where the former aspired to produce a space dominated as a saltpeter enclave, exerting an iron social control over the labor force. We postulate that Pampas society, through its daily practices, managed to resist with relative efficiency the needs of employer control and, at the same time, implement an inverse process of social production of space, which was reflected in the structuring of a highly integrated territory.

Bedouin Sumud and the Struggle for Education

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Rotem ◽  
Neve Gordon
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Social Production ◽  
Production Of Space ◽  
Right To Education ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
Planning Policies

The struggle between Zionists and Palestinian Bedouin over land in the Negev/Naqab has lasted at least a century. Notwithstanding the state's continuing efforts to concentrate the Bedouin population within a small swath of land, scholars have documented how the Bedouin have adopted their own means of resistance, including different practices of sumud. In this paper we maintain, however, that by focusing on planning policies and the spatio-legal mechanisms deployed by the state to expropriate Bedouin land, one overlooks additional technologies and processes that have had a significant impact on the social production of space in the Negev. One such site is the struggle over the right to education, which, as we show, is intricately tied to the organization of space and the population inhabiting that space. We illustrate how the right to education has been utilized as an instrument of tacit displacement deployed to relocate and concentrate the Bedouin population in planned governmental towns. Simultaneously, however, we show how Bedouin activists have continuously invoked the right to education, using it as a tool for reinforcing their sumud. The struggle for education in the Israeli Negev is, in other words, an integral part of the struggle for and over land.

“The Criminal Actors Have a Social Base in Their Communities”: Gangs and Service Provision in Medellín, Colombia

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Caroline Doyle
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Service Provision ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Citizen Engagement ◽  
Design And Implementation

ABSTRACT In the last ten years, Medellín, Colombia has undergone significant socioeconomic improvements and a reduction in homicides. By drawing from qualitative data collected in Medellín, this article shows how, despite these improvements, residents in the marginalized neighborhoods maintain a perception that the state is unable or unwilling to provide them with services, such as employment and order or social control. Criminal gangs in these neighborhoods appear to rely on, and even exploit, the weakness of the state, as they are able to get citizens to perceive them as more reliable and legitimate than the state. This article argues that it is important for Latin American policymakers to promote citizen engagement in the design and implementation of policies to reduce current levels of violence.

Reversal of Fortunes: Transformations in State-NGO Relations in Bangladesh

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 579-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lamia Karim
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Present Condition ◽  
Nobel Peace Prize ◽  
Grameen Bank ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Weak State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Relationship Of

In 2011, the government of Bangladesh began an investigation into the financial dealings of the Grameen Bank that won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006. This disciplining of a world-renowned institution and its founder by the state reconfigures the altered relationship between the state and NGOs in Bangladesh. This article investigates this about-face between the state and NGOs from the 1990s, when their relationship was characterized as ‘partners in development’, to the late 2000s when the state saw the leading NGOs and their leaders as potential political adversaries. In Bangladesh, the former relationship of a weak state vis-à-vis the powerful, western-funded NGO has been recalibrated. Under the present condition of authoritarian rule, the state is willing to accept the role of the NGO as a development actor but not as a political contender. This article examines this shifting relationship between the state and NGOs.

Marxism as a tool for uncovering hegemonic discourses on nature

2021 ◽  
pp. 194277862110548
Author(s):  
Fernando González
Keyword(s):  
Power Relations ◽  
Antonio Gramsci ◽  
Social Production ◽  
Production Of Space ◽  
Geographic Analysis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Dominant Classes

Since its origins, geography has prioritized the study of nature. However, more recently the discipline has made advancements in studying power as a fundamental element in the social production of space and territory. What can Marxism offer to such investigations? In this brief article, I highlight some of the contributions of Marxist thought that I have found useful for geographic analysis and that stand out from the discipline’s other forms of analysis. Firstly, I recover elements from the thinker Antonio Gramsci that I consider important for debates regarding the social production of space and territory as an expression of power relations. Secondly, I retrace some aspects of Marx's concept of nature to examine certain notions that prevail in today's environmental debates. In this way, I look to denaturalize the hegemonic thought with which institutions and dominant classes exercise power in this area.

Présence évangélique au Liban, enjeux socio-politiques et culturels d’un engagement multiforme

2013 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-217
Author(s):  
Fatiha Kaouès
Keyword(s):  
Social Ties ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Development Projects ◽  
Weak State ◽  
Definition Of

Fatiha Kaouès focuses on evangelical activities in Lebanon, where religious communities are the foundation of public order rather than the State and each denomination has its own social and economic network. This raises the question as to the definition of citizenship and the construction of social ties in the context of a strong religious communitarianism and a weak state. This paper considers a few development projects supported by evangelical movements and the various frameworks, limits and challenges of their activities in Lebanon.

scholarly journals AN EMPLOYMENT PROJECTION MODEL IN THE INDUSTRIAL SECTOR IN THE STATE OF PAHANG: A CASE STUDY

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (26) ◽  
pp. 90-104
Author(s):  
Ezanee Mohamed Elias ◽  
Noor Hidayah Abu ◽  
Nor Hasni Osman ◽  
Alminnourliza Noordin ◽  
Azhar Ahmad ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
State Government ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Participation Rate ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Industrial Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
Projection Model

Pahang is a state that is constantly intensifying development efforts to ensure the well-being of its people in achieving the target of becoming a viable state by 2050. However, the Covid-19 pandemic crisis has threatened the well-being of the population, especially the negative impact on the socio-economic landscape. As a result, almost all economic and social sectors were closed and has resulted in workers experiencing wage reductions, layoffs, and consequently rising unemployment rates. Therefore, Pahang state government needs to optimize all the opportunities available, among them is throughout efficient and effective management of employment resources. This study is a case study under the topic of employment resource management for the Pahang state government. The main objective of this study is to support Pahang state government in identifying the projected source of labor for the year 2020-2025, especially in the industrial sector. Apart from that, this study also seeks to help the Pahang state government by identifying factors related to the development of the industrial sector in line with the increase in employment resources. To realize the objectives of the study, secondary data were fully used in the data analysis. The results of the data analysis have projected that employment resources in the state of Pahang will increase approximately by 5,000 people a year and will reach a total of 1.77 million by 2025. The total labor force also increased from 748,000 in 2021 to 767,300 people in 2025 with Labor Force Participation Rate equivalent to 63.31%. At the same time the projection also records the total external labor force increasing to 42,400 people although at the same time the total working population increased to 733,600 people. The study also proposes employment projections in the industrial sector from 2021 to 2025. It is hoped that various initiatives that are implemented by various stakeholders to the industrial sector in Pahang could offers innovative employment opportunities to various sections of society to enhance socio-economic growth and spread the wellbeing to the society.

scholarly journals EL CH'ULEL EN LOS ALTOS DE CHIAPAS: ESTADO DE LA CUESTIÓN

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 218
Author(s):  
Elena Lunes Jiménez
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Companion Animal ◽  
The State ◽  
High Plains ◽  
Review Of Literature ◽  
Day Of The Dead ◽  
The Dead

El artículo presenta una revisión de la literatura generada alrededor de la noción y concepto de ch’ulel, basada en la cosmovisión tsotsil-tseltal, en el altiplano chiapaneco. De acuerdo con las interpretaciones que los autores han realizado sobre dicho concepto, la información se sistematiza sobre los siguientes significados: ch’ulelcomo alma; en la salud y en la enfermedad; en la conciencia de los niños; como control social; el vayijelal o animal compañero como vela de la vida y como calor. Se distingue el concepto de ch’ulel con ch’ulelal;este último vinculado con la celebración del día de muertos. Se expone en su conjunto y como aporte de este artículo el concepto de Mundo ch’ulel.   SUMMARY The article presents a review of literature generated around the notion and concept of ch’ulel, based on the Tsotsil-Tseltal cosmovision, in the high plains region of the state of Chiapas. According to the interpretations formulated by the authors on said concept, information is systematized on the following meanings: the ch’ulel as soul; in health and in sickness; in the conscience of children; as social control; the vayijelal or companion animal; as candle of life and as heat. The ch’ulel concept is distinguished from that of ch’ulelal, the latter associated with the celebration of the day of the dead.  The concept of “ch’ulel world” is expounded as a whole and as contribution of this article.

scholarly journals Narrativas de la legalidad en el hiperpresidencialismo constitucionalizado ecuatoriano = Narratives of legality in the Ecuadorian constitutionalized hyper-presidentialism

2018 ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Efrén Ernesto Guerrero Salgado
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Public Activity ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Magna Carta ◽  
The Government ◽  
Electoral Power ◽  
Present Text

Resumen: La llegada al poder de Rafael Correa en el 2007 supuso diversos cambios en Ecuador, no sólo ideológicos sino también políticos, canalizados a través de una Asamblea Constituyente con el fin de ajustarse a los preceptos de la llamada “Revolución Ciudadana”. La nueva Carta Magna estableció un mayor número de controles sobre el Ejecutivo y creó nuevas funciones, como el Poder Electoral y de Transparencia y Control Social, que también girarían en torno a las decisiones del presidente de turno. Esto, combinado con la personalidad de Correa, generó un escenario de hiperpresidencialismo, amparado por elecciones populares que legitiman los cambios realizados por el Gobierno. En el caso ecuatoriano, lo que sucedió fue una disolución de la legalidad mediante la acción mediática, en el que la palabra del presidente no sólo fue regla de conducta, sino también una percepción de que la actividad pública no puede ser discutida, rebasando sus competencias constitucionalmente establecidas. El presente texto, busca explorar los mecanismos de existencia de un discurso decisionista en el periodo de gobierno 2013-2017 y sus consecuencias en la gobernabilidad democrática, para demostrar que la existencia de una autoridad que escape del poder del Estado sólo puede ser contenida por la norma y la fortaleza de las instituciones democráticas, capaces de mejorar la intensidad de la ciudadanía.Palabras clave: Hiperpresidencialismo, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, legalidad.Abstract: The arrival to power of Rafael Correa in 2007 involved various changes not only ideological but also political, channeled through a Constituent Assembly to conform to the precepts of the so-called "Citizen Revolution". The new Magna Carta established a greater number of executive controls and created new functions, such as the Electoral Power and Transparency and Social Control, which would also revolve around the decisions of the incumbent president. This, combined with the personality of Correa, generated a scenario of hyper-presidentialism, supported by popular elections that legitimize the changes made by the government. In the Ecuadorian case, what happened was a dissolution of legality through media action, in which the president's word was not only a rule of conduct, but also a perception that public activity cannot be discussed, exceeding its Constitutionally established competences. The present text, seeks to explore the mechanisms of existence of a decisionist discourse in the period of government 2013-2017 and its consequences in democratic governance, to demonstrate that the existence of an authority that escapes the power of the State can only be contained by the norm and the strength of democratic institutions, capable of improving the intensity of citizenship.Keywords: Hyperpresidencialism, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, Constitution, legality. 

scholarly journals The Jewish Paramilitary Organizations in Palestine before the Creation of the State of Israel in 1948

2016 ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
А. Krylov
Keyword(s):  
Arab Countries ◽  
The State ◽  
Weak State ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
State Of Israel

The article takes a look at the history and origin of the main Jewish paramilitary organizations in the British Mandate of Palestine (1921–1948). One of the myths often used in Western and Israeli propagandistic literature describes Israel as a very weak state that after obtaining its sovereignty became extremely vulnerable to the heavily armed Arab hordes that invaded it immediately after the declaration of the Israeli State. However, the analysis above shows that the first Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1949 was not a battle between young David against the giant Goliath. By the time of the creation of Israel all the Jewish paramilitary organizations operating in Yishuv – “Haganah”, “Irgun” and LEHI – united creating the IDF. The national army of the newborn State met all the requirements of its time, was much better equipped, trained, mobilized and armed than the soldiers of all the neighboring Arab countries, which objectively predetermined their crushing defeat.

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