scholarly journals DEPOIS DO ESTADO-NAÇÃO: MIGRAÇÕES, SOBERANIA E DIREITOS NA AURORA DA CRISE SISTÊMICA

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Fatima Sabrina da Rosa ◽  
Damaris Bertuzzi
Keyword(s):  
World System ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Systemic Crisis ◽  
Longue Duree ◽  
Longue Durée ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Modern Nation State

Este texto pretende discutir a relação entre migrações e a perda da soberania do estado-nação no contexto da última crise sistêmica que vem se desenvolvendo. Para tanto, utiliza como base e pano de fundo as noções de modern world-sistem de Wallerstein e de longue durée de Braudel, bem como localiza a discussão sobre o Estado na perspectiva de crise sistêmica, de Arrighi, e de pós-nacionalismo, de Appadurai. Nesse sentido, o texto é dividido em quatro partes: apresentação do problema; contexto da crise migratória e da emergência do estado-nação; crise do estado-nação moderno e, por fim, algumas considerações acerca dos efeitos dos fluxos migratórios e de capitais sobre as noções de soberania e territorialidade do Estado.Palavras-chave: Estado-nação. Migrações. Soberania. Crise sistêmica.ABSTRACTThis text intends to discuss the relationship between migrations and the nation-state sovereignty loss in the context of last systemic crisis that has been developing. For that, it uses the notions of Wallerstein about the modern world-system and Braudel’s about the longue durée as background, as well as locating the discussion about the State in the Arrighi’s perspective about the systemic crisis and Appadurai’s about the post-nationalism. In this sense, the text is divided into four parts: the presentation of the problem; the migratory crisis context and the nation-state emergence; the crisis about the modern nation-state, and finally, some considerations about the effects of migratory flows and capital on the notions of state sovereignty and territoriality.Keywords: Nation-state. Migrations. Sovereignty. Systemic crisis.

Globalisation, the Internet, and the Nation-State

2015 ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Human Action ◽  
The State ◽  
Historical Change ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Relationship

Our world today is in the midst of an historical change. Globalisation and spectacular advances in technology have given us an unprecedented peek into the future: a glimpse into a highly interconnected world governed by new paradigms, where the cost of transmitting and accessing an infinite amount of information is virtually nothing, where physical boundaries no longer limit human action – in short, a world characterised by the breakdown of conventional political, social, and economic institutions and systems previously considered rock-solid; spearheaded by the rise of the Internet and its associated technologies, platforms, and applications. This book chapter attempts a critical analysis of the relationship between Globalisation, the Internet, and the State. In evaluating the arguments that present the Internet as a threat to nation-state sovereignty, the work attempts to challenge accepted wisdom; purporting instead to demonstrate that, in many cases, the Internet, far from posing any threat to the attenuation of political power, actually strengthens the hand of the nation-state.

scholarly journals The Conceptions of Sharia and Citizenship in Indonesia and Malaysia

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Muhamad Ali
Keyword(s):  
Religious Diversity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Compare And Contrast ◽  
Modern Nation State

Indonesia and Malaysia offer comparative perspectives concerning the relationship between loyalties to the Muslim umma, local ethnicity, and the modern nation-state, and how interpretations of the sharia and modern constitution, laws, politics, and policies intersect in multiple and changing ways. This article seeks to compare and contrast some of the contemporary discourses on sharia and citizenship as demonstrated by Indonesian and Malaysian scholars, politicians, and activists. Both Indonesian and Malaysian constitutions were born out of the modern notion of citizenship that recognizes religious diversity. On the one hand, the Constitution of Indonesia does not specify Islam as the state religion, but the government promotes official religions. On the other hand, the Constitution of Malaysia makes it explicit that Islam is the state religion while recognizing religious diversity. The Indonesian government does not conflate particular ethnicity with Islam, whereas Malaysia integrates Islam and Malay ethnicity amidst Malaysian religious and ethnic plurality. Both cases prevent us from categorizing each case as either an Islamic legal conservatism or a modern legal liberalism. These two cases resist the binary opposition between sharia conservatism deemed against citizenship and modern legal liberalism deemed against religious laws. There are ambiguities, contradictions, as well as compromises and integration between conflicting ideas and systems concerning Islam and citizenship.

Legitimacy

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
International Courts ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
State Legitimacy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Supranational Institutions

This collection brings together scholars of jurisprudence and political theory to probe the question of ‘legitimacy’. It offers discussions that interrogate the nature of legitimacy, how legitimacy is intertwined with notions of statehood, and how legitimacy reaches beyond the state into supranational institutions and international law. Chapter I considers benefit-based, merit-based, and will-based theories of state legitimacy. Chapter II examines the relationship between expertise and legitimate political authority. Chapter III attempts to make sense of John Rawls’s account of legitimacy in his later work. Chapter IV observes that state sovereignty persists, since no alternative is available, and that the success of the assortment of international organizations that challenge state sovereignty depends on their ability to attract loyalty. Chapter V argues that, to be complete, an account of a state’s legitimacy must evaluate not only its powers and its institutions, but also its officials. Chapter VI covers the rule of law and state legitimacy. Chapter VII considers the legitimation of the nation state in a post-national world. Chapter VIII contends that legitimacy beyond the state should be understood as a subject-conferred attribute of specific norms that generates no more than a duty to respect those norms. Chapter IX is a reply to critics of attempts to ground the legitimacy of suprastate institutions in constitutionalism. Chapter X examines Joseph Raz’s perfectionist liberalism. Chapter XI attempts to bring some order to debates about the legitimacy of international courts.

Religion, war, and peace in premodern Islamicate polities and the Christian West

2021 ◽  
pp. 263300242098491
Author(s):  
Philippe Buc
Keyword(s):  
Strong Correlation ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Holy War ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
Longue Duree ◽  
Longue Durée ◽  
Armed Violence

The plural Islams and the various Christianities deriving from late Antique Catholicism constitute two families of monotheisms whose relation to armed violence and to peace can be compared over the longue durée. In both, war and peace coexist as values, with the sense however that there can be a corrupting bad peace and a wicked bad war. Both—albeit through different media—produced norms governing warfare. For both, there is a strong correlation between holy war and societal reform. In both, the potential to sacralize a space that then has to be defended (New Jerusalems or second Hejaz) figures prominently. In both, radical warfare, reform, and purge of one’s own group can be triggered by apocalyptic or eschatological expectations (with figures such as a person anticipating typologically the return of the vengeful Christ, a last world emperor, a mujaddid, or a Mahdī). While this contribution focuses mainly on the pre-modern world, it ends on an attempt to relate the current war waged by Boko Haram to this past.

scholarly journals Muslim Clergy vs. Authority in Contemporary Afghanistan: View from Uzbekistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-762
Author(s):  
Abdusamat Akhatovich Khaydarov
Keyword(s):  
Negotiation Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Depth Study ◽  
Direct Inter ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Islamic Institutions

Significant geopolitical changes taking place in the modern world in recent decades urge us to take a fresh look at the role of Islam and the clergy in the political processes of a number of countries of the Muslim world. This perspective is especially relevant vis--vis Afghanistan where a fierce war is being waged under the slogans of Islam for more than four decades. The purpose of this research is an in-depth study of the relationship between the state and the Muslim clergy, Islamic institutions in the development of political processes in Afghanistan since the mid-70s of the last century. The article reflects shaping of the Islamic opposition and its efforts to stand up to innovations and reforms during attempts of the Soviet stile modernization in 1978-1992, and then the efforts to democratize Afghan society, undertaken in Afghanistan since the end of 2001 with the assistance of the international community. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade and personal observations of the author during his work in Afghanistan during the mentioned period. Analytical materials published on the pages of English and Russian mass media were used. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the article is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. The author concludes that the conflict is based on mistakes and underestimation by the state the role and influence of the Muslim clergy and Islamic institutions of the country. It has been noted that the recently reached US - Taliban agreements, as well as the assistance of such influential players as Russia, sparkle hope for the launch of a direct inter-Afghan negotiation process, which most likely will not be as simple but thorny.

scholarly journals ACTUAL DISCOURE ABOUT TIPES FND DEVELOPMENT TENDENCIES NATIONAL STATE

2013 ◽  
pp. 195-203
Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
First Century ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Social Communities ◽  
Nation States ◽  
International Systems

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.

scholarly journals The relationship between the sovereignty of member states and the supernationality of international organizations

2020 ◽  
pp. 349-353
Author(s):  
Olga Shpakovych ◽  
Sofia Penkovska
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
The State ◽  
International Organization ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Theoretical Results ◽  
The Eu

The article presents the result of theoretical and practical study of the relationship between state sovereignty and supranationalityof international organizations. In particular, it is determined that the phenomenon of supranationality of international organizations isderived from state sovereignty and acts as its external law. It has been shown that, in view of this, supranationality is limited becauseit arises through the exercise of sovereignty by states, and, accordingly, is limited by the amount of state sovereignty exercised by states.The relevant mechanism has also been studied on the example of the functioning of the European Union.Regarding the theoretical results, the following should be noted. First, it was proved that despite the different approaches of scho -lars to the understanding of supranationality, definitions of this concept and the separation of its features (properties), in each case,supranationality is a direct realization of state sovereignty. At the same time, the realization of state sovereignty in relation to such pro -perties of international organizations as supranational is primary, and supranationality in this case is derivative. In addition, the phenomenonof supranationality of international organizations due to the fact that it is derived is limited, because supranationality arisesthrough the exercise of sovereignty by states, and, accordingly, is limited by the amount of state sovereignty exercised by states. Thatis why when analyzing the relationship between the supranationality of international organizations and state sovereignty, one cannotconsider the priority of one of the two, because supranationality is in essence a manifestation of state sovereignty.Regarding the practical results, the author considers it appropriate to emphasize that both the regional international organization –the EU was studied, and, at the same time, it was proved that all theoretical provisions were reflected in practice, in particular, envisagedfunctions, goals and the tasks of the studied international organizations are limited in scope by the manifestation of sovereignty shownby states, similar to the regulations issued by organizations. Another indication that the state can exercise its sovereignty in any case isthat there is an effective and transparent procedure for leaving these organizations

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-54
Author(s):  
Irfan Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Subjectivity ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Longue Duree ◽  
Longue Durée

The ‘Introduction’ proposes a framework to understand the truth behind, as opposed to mere reality of, democratic–electoral politics. Rather than viewing the understandings of politics as a function of the state in opposition to the understandings of politics as not limited to the state, it advances the thesis that an important way to analyse democracy is to understand it as an intertwined phenomenon of warfare and welfare. This algebra of warfare-welfare is constitutive of democracy in general, including in India. To this end, the ‘Introduction’ examines important works on the 2014 Indian elections informed by ‘democratic triumphalism’. From an interdisciplinary and in-disciplinary approach, it aims to throw a pebble into the calm, muddy, unquestioned—to some even unquestionable—water of democracy to craft an alternative and democratic idea of democracy. Stressing a longue durée frame, it puts human subjectivity rather than cold statistics at the centre of our understanding of electoral democracy.

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