scholarly journals ACTUAL DISCOURE ABOUT TIPES FND DEVELOPMENT TENDENCIES NATIONAL STATE

Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.

2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 371-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mojca Doupona Topič ◽  
Jay Coakley

Sociology of sport knowledge on national identity is grounded in research that focuses primarily on long established nation-states with widely known histories. The relationship between sport and national identity in postsocialist/Soviet/colonial nations that have gained independence or sovereignty since 1990 has seldom been studied. This paper examines the role of sports in the formation of national identity in postsocialist Slovenia, a nation-state that gained independence in 1990. Our analysis focuses on the recent context in which the current but fluid relationship between sport and Slovenian national identity exists. Using Slovenia as a case study we identify seven factors that may moderate the effectiveness of sports as sites for establishing and maintaining national identity and making successful global identity claims in the twenty-first century. We conclude that these factors should be taken into account to more fully understand the sport-national identity relationship today, especially in new and developing nations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Summer) ◽  
pp. 48-59
Author(s):  
Nour Abu-Assab ◽  
Nof Eddin

In light of the recent attention to the incarceration, surveillance, and policing of non-normative people in the Middle East and North Africa, this article does not seek to offer alternatives to systems of justice. Instead, our argument revolves around the need to turn the concept of justice on its head, by demonstrating that justice within the context of the nation-state is in its essence a de facto and de jure mechanism of policing and surveillance. To do so, this article draws on Michael Foucault’s notion of state-phobia from a de-colonial perspective, intersectional feminist theory, and Hisham Sharabi’s conceptualisation of the Arab-state as neo-patriarchal. This article highlights the need to move away from the post-colonial benevolent imaginary of the state, as a result of people’s desire for self-determination, to a more realistic de-colonial conceptualisation of nation-states that emerged post-colonisation, as sites of oppression. This article will also shed light on the role of civil society in reinforcing the unjust justice sought within nation-state frameworks by drawing on the examples of the recent crackdown on non-normative people in Egypt, and the example of non-normative Palestinians living under occupation. The Egyptian and Palestinian cases are, respectively, one of an allegedly sovereign state that overtly restricts gender and sexual freedom, and another of an occupying state that nominally guarantees gender and sexual rights. These examples are used to demonstrate the theoretical underpinnings of this article, through which we seek to problematise and break binaries of justice versus injustice, and the state versus civil society, in an attempt to queer the concept of justice.


2018 ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
Maxim Rozumny

The article is devoted to the strategy of the Russian Federation’s leadership to restore the status of the empire. The prerequisites for such a solution are the economic specialization of the Russian Federation in the system of world economy, the archaic social structure, monopolized power and resources in the hands of the ruling corporation, inertia of the post-Soviet mentality and psychology. The restored imperial model does not include the role of political (civilian) nation as a subject of power, but, on the contrary, it includes a military-administrative apparatus for internal ез пеко and external expansion, and also it needs for loyality of the masses. Faced to the inevitable crisis of this archaic system of domination, Putin made an outright bet on aggression, dynamics, instincts, selfishness, and thus created an alternative to a trend of Westernization’s globalization. Russia’s new subjectivity is formed on the basis of aggressive foreign policy, based on internal consolidation and increased using media for propaganda. An attempt to restore the former status of a superpower stems from the imperial essence of Russian statehood. It is based on the logic of its historical development, objective characteristics of its socio-economic, political, cultural and ideological life. The new Russian leader has become only an instrument of self-reproduction of the imperial mechanism and restoring the traditional identity of Russia, to which the political class and the population of the country returned after unsuccessful attempt of modernization. Imperial identity requires a permanent mobilization, concentration of all forces on the solution of «historical» tasks. External aggression is an indicator of the ability of the imperial organism. Therefore, the majority of Russians actively supported the imperial revanchist course of their leaders. The Russian expansion in the first stages did not meet the considerable resistance of the world community, in particular, by the consolidated West. A number of prerequisites existed in world politics has led to this rezulte. The lack of leadership in the modern world has led to an increasing selfishness of major geopolitical players and to the neglecting of international law by them in their intensive competition for resources and priorities. These factors have led to increased conflict and loss of control of the global system as a whole. If the world returns to the scenario of guided globalization, if the role of international law, international organizations and security structures grows up, if the demonopolization of markets (first of all, energy market) and the liberalization of political regimes becomes true, then Putin’s rate will be a loser. If world chaos in international systems grows, aggression increases, and the trade and industrial cooperation are limited by governments, then a militarized, based on the raw rent Russian empire can get a new historical chance.


Author(s):  
Kate Crowley ◽  
Jenny Stewart ◽  
Adrian Kay ◽  
Brian Head

For all nation-states, the context in which public policies must be developed and applied continues to become more complex and demanding. Yet policy studies has not fully responded to the challenges and opportunities represented by these developments. While governance has drawn attention to a globalising and network-based policy world, politics and the role of the state have been de-emphasised. The book addresses this imbalance through a process of reconsideration – re-visiting traditional policy-analytic concepts and re-developing and extending new ones. The objects of reconsideration are of two types: firstly, themes relating to ‘deep’ policy: policy systems; institutions, the state and borders; and secondly, policy-in-action: information, advice, implementation and policy change. Through these eight perspectives, each developed as a chapter of this book, the authors have produced a melded approach to policy, which they call systemic institutionalism. They define this approach as one that provides a broad analytic perspective that links policy with governance (implemented action) on the one hand, and the state (structured authority) on the other. By identifying research agendas based on these insights, the book suggests how real world issues might be substantively addressed, in particular more complex and challenging issues, through examples that bring out the ‘policy’ (the history and potential for collective public action) in the system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3(72)) ◽  
pp. 36-39
Author(s):  
I.A. Cyrkina

This article is devoted to the research of the specifics of forming a foreign policy image in modern world politics, notably, the image of Ukraine in the U.S. media. The work is also attributable to the intensified use of methods and technologies for forming the foreign policy image of the state at the level of modern world politics. Currently, there is a widespread perception that the media occupy one of the main places in the modern political process, so they can have a significant effect on the image and foreign policy of the state in the consciousness of the masses of their country and the world stage as a whole.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1013
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Weiss ◽  
Zhu Dajian ◽  
Maria Amélia Enríquez ◽  
Peter H. May ◽  
Elimar Pinheiro Do Nascimento ◽  
...  

Abstract This interdisciplinary article draws from the radical ideas of global political ecology (GPE), environmental politics, ecological economics and the sociological analysis of social movements. It seeks to help bridge the research gap regarding non-state actors' (NSAs) influence on the role of the nation-state and the United Nations in global political ecology and environmental policy, including emission reductions, such as antideforestation measures, and environmental justice. We consider NSAs as consisting of two heterogeneous global coalitions: a) civil society organizations (CSOs) and environmental non-governmental organizations, and b) peak corporate organizations with green economy objectives, here denominated green business organizations, representing transnational corporations (TNCs). After a review of prior studies, we present a version of an advocacy coalition framework; identify a timeline of changes in UN architecture and simplified NSA influence categories. We only begin to test very broad hypotheses on relative agency and to compare NSA narratives with UN documents. We show that the architecture of the UN has gradually shifted from favoring civil society to corporations. There is evidence that, in the late 1990s, in comparison with CSOs, TNCs increased their access to nation-states and UN agencies. The TNC narrative changed from a) denying climate change and ignoring the UN to b) recognizing change and guiding negotiations. These shifts in UN architecture, TNC agency and narrative appears to have influenced changes in UN documents towards a corporate global environmental framework, reducing their references to the regulatory and enforcement roles of the state and global binding agreements, shifting global debate towards a voluntary corporate orientation. This may have reduced prospects for reducing emissions and increasing environmental justice. Combining market mechanisms with strong regulatory frameworks is best practice for environmental policy. When nation-states have the will and capacity to command and control, they can reduce environmental degradation. Stronger national government competence and enforcement capacity and binding UN agreements are essential for the effectiveness of market incentives, which may be enhanced by business and civil society initiatives. If CSOs can reunite and regain their strength, maybe they could negotiate with TNCs on a more equal footing. Perhaps UN members could once again become comfortable with the idea of strong states and non-hegemonic global governance. Key words: Global political ecology, Nation-state, earth system governance, UN architecture, UN agency, green economy, non-state actors, UNCED, Rio+20, Climate convention


Author(s):  
Stéphane A. Dudoignon

Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.


Author(s):  
William R. Thompson ◽  
Leila Zakhirova

In this final chapter, we conclude by recapitulating our argument and evidence. One goal of this work has been to improve our understanding of the patterns underlying the evolution of world politics over the past one thousand years. How did we get to where we are now? Where and when did the “modern” world begin? How did we shift from a primarily agrarian economy to a primarily industrial one? How did these changes shape world politics? A related goal was to examine more closely the factors that led to the most serious attempts by states to break free of agrarian constraints. We developed an interactive model of the factors that we thought were most likely to be significant. Finally, a third goal was to examine the linkages between the systemic leadership that emerged from these historical processes and the global warming crisis of the twenty-first century. Climate change means that the traditional energy platforms for system leadership—coal, petroleum, and natural gas—have become counterproductive. The ultimate irony is that we thought that the harnessing of carbon fuels made us invulnerable to climate fluctuations, while the exact opposite turns out to be true. The more carbon fuels are consumed, the greater the damage done to the atmosphere. In many respects, the competition for systemic leadership generated this problem. Yet it is unclear whether systemic leadership will be up to the task of resolving it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
V. V. TADTAEVA ◽  
◽  
B. E. BAGAEV ◽  
A. A. BESAEVA ◽  
A. E. KALMANOVA ◽  
...  

Money is an integral part of the economic life of society. Payments are made both in cash and in non-cash form. During the COVID-19 epidemic, the use of electronic payment systems became the most profitable. The article examines the role of electronic money in the modern world in the context of a pandemic. Is given a rating of e-payment systems in Russia for 9 months. 2020.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-762
Author(s):  
Abdusamat Akhatovich Khaydarov

Significant geopolitical changes taking place in the modern world in recent decades urge us to take a fresh look at the role of Islam and the clergy in the political processes of a number of countries of the Muslim world. This perspective is especially relevant vis--vis Afghanistan where a fierce war is being waged under the slogans of Islam for more than four decades. The purpose of this research is an in-depth study of the relationship between the state and the Muslim clergy, Islamic institutions in the development of political processes in Afghanistan since the mid-70s of the last century. The article reflects shaping of the Islamic opposition and its efforts to stand up to innovations and reforms during attempts of the Soviet stile modernization in 1978-1992, and then the efforts to democratize Afghan society, undertaken in Afghanistan since the end of 2001 with the assistance of the international community. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade and personal observations of the author during his work in Afghanistan during the mentioned period. Analytical materials published on the pages of English and Russian mass media were used. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the article is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. The author concludes that the conflict is based on mistakes and underestimation by the state the role and influence of the Muslim clergy and Islamic institutions of the country. It has been noted that the recently reached US - Taliban agreements, as well as the assistance of such influential players as Russia, sparkle hope for the launch of a direct inter-Afghan negotiation process, which most likely will not be as simple but thorny.


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