scholarly journals TOWARDS PEACE, HEALING AND RECONCILIATION IN ZIM-BABWE: THEATRICALISING POLITICAL VIOLENCE THROUGH RITUALS (2011)

Imbizo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Urther Rwafa ◽  
Washington Mushore ◽  
Ephraim Vhutuza

This paper explores the reconciliatory possibilities of the theatrical piece Rituals (2011) penned by Stephen Chifunyise and directed and produced by Daves Guzha. The Rituals’ theatrical piece memorialises as well as condemns a culture of violence demonstrated during the 2008 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe. Through “ritualized” performance, a community embarks on a metaphysical journey focused on exorcising the ghosts of political violence still haunting individuals, communities, politicians, and the nation as a whole. These day-to-day modes of healing and reconciliation, dramatised through Rituals, suggest that communities can create platforms for peace, cultivate tolerance and permit dialogue to prevail if victims are brought face-to-face with perpetrators of violence with the hope of ironing out political differences. It is going to be argued in this paper that although the political drama in Rituals, centralises politicians as major culprits that fomented violence, its failure to go beyond political meta-narratives constricts its capacity to explore the complexities of violence in Zimbabwe. These complexities are informed by factors such as lack of voter education, existence of age-old grudges, and fragmentation of community values, among others. Another critical strand to be explored in this article is one that interrogates Rituals’ potential to reach out to the wider audiences at grassroots levels, since the political drama in Rituals speaks to the “upper class” and intellectual circles, thereby foreclosing critical debate and “voices” that should emerge from “below” which are communi­ties many of whom were directly involved. By adopting a down-top methodological approach, the article seeks to place communities at the forefront in confronting questions of violence, peace-building and reconciliation in Zimbabwe.

Author(s):  
Chris Millington

Fighting for France is the first book to examine the violent confrontations between political groups in interwar France. A range of groups at the political extremes employed physical aggression against their enemies and threatened to bring about the violent demise of the democratic regime. The scale of confrontations ranged from encounters between individuals to large clashes involving hundreds of activists. Until now, historians have denied and downplayed the frequency and seriousness of French political violence in favour of an interpretation that emphasises France's weddedness to democracy. Fighting for France demonstrates that the democratic culture of the late Third Republic co-existed with a culture of violence in which the physical punishment of rivals and opponents was considered acceptable. Drawing on the narratives constructed around outbreaks of violence, the book reconstructs the lived experience of fighting and the sense that contemporaries made of conflict. It examines violence in a variety of settings, from the street to the factory floor. A range of actors come under investigation, including fascists, communists, and the police. Fighting for France forces us to reconsider the place of political violence in a democratic society. It transforms our understandings of the course of interwar France and Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.


1997 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Berg

This article serves as an introduction to Wansbrough's methods and theories for the study of the Qur¸dn, its Tafsīr, the Sīra, and other early Islamic texts. Muslim and most non-Muslim scholars work within essentially the same framework: one which reads the literature of early Islam as history. Wansbrough has demonstrated that what these sources provide is not history per se, but salvation history, and that methods appropriate for the study of this genre are not source critical but literary critical. Through the application of these methods Wansbrough has postulated theories, which, if correct, radically alter our understanding of Islamic origins. Islamicists have tended to fixate on these theories at the expense of the methodological approach from which they are derived. Judging by the arguments raised thus far by these opponents of Wansbrough, I suggest that their aversion to his work stems as much from the unwillingness of Islamicists to accept the uncertainty inherent in his methods and the political incorrectness associated with his theories as from their theoretical conservatism and methodological naivete.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darryl Dale-Ferguson

AbstractThis paper uses Paul Ricœur’s analyses of ideology to argue for the mitigation of the possibility of political evil within the political paradox. In explicating the paradox, Ricœur seeks to hold in tension two basic aspects of politics: its benefits and its propensity to evil. This tension, however, should not be viewed as representative of a dualism. The evil of politics notwithstanding, Ricœur encourages us to view the political order as a deeply important part of our shared existence. By thinking past the distorting function of ideology to the legitimating and integrating functions that Ricœur calls more basic than distortion, a mode of thought that is often at the heart of political evil, ideology can be used to mitigate that very evil.Keywords: Ricœur, “The Political Paradox,” Ideology, Political Violence, Justice.RésuméCet article s’appuie sur les analyses ricœuriennes de l’idéologie dans le but de montrer que l’idéologie est susceptible de contribuer à une atténuation du mal politique inhérent au paradoxe politique. Dans son explicitation de ce paradoxe, Ricœur cherche à mettre en relation tensionnelle deux aspects fondamentaux de la politique: ses avantages et ses maux. Cependant, cette tension ne devrait pas être interprétée comme l’expression d’un dualisme. En dépit du mal inhérent au politique, Ricœur nous encourage à voir l’ordre politique comme une partie profondément importante de notre existence partagée. Si l’on régresse en-deçà de la fonction de distorsion de l’idéologie vers ses fonctions légitimantes et integratrices, c’est-à-dire vers ses fonctions les plus fondamentales, il apparaît en effet que l’idéologie, tout en étant souvent au cœur du mal politique, peut néanmoins être utilisée pour atténuer ce mal.Mots-clés: Ricœur, paradoxe politique, ideologie, violence politique, justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 347-381
Author(s):  
Michele Goulart Massuchin ◽  
Regilson Furtado Borges

Este artigo apresenta uma análise sobre como o jornal O Estado do Maranhão (MA) se apropria da sua página no Facebook como espaço para difundir conteúdo jornalístico. A abordagem metodológica é quantitativa e qualitativa a partir da análise do conteúdo de 608 posts extraídos da fanpage do jornal e de entrevista com a responsável pela versão digital do veículo. A pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as características dos conteúdos distribuídos pela rede social, especialmente observando o espaço destinado para temas políticos e eleitorais. A análise trabalha com as seguintes características: temas, tema eleitoral, abrangência, valência e interação. Como resultado principal ressalta-se que O Estado do Maranhão concedeu espaço considerável para o tema político-eleitoral, com baixa presença de entretenimento.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Jornalismo; redes sociais; eleições.   ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of how the newspaper O Estado de Maranhão (MA) appropriates the Facebook page as a space for disseminating journalistic content. The methodological approach is quantitative and qualitative from the content analysis of 608 posts extracted from the fanpage of the newspaper and interview with the responsible for digital part of the vehicle. The research aims to analyze the characteristics of the contents distributed by the social network, especially observing the space destined for electoral subjects. The analysis discuses these characteristics: themes, electoral theme, scope and engagement. As a main result, O Estado do Maranhão granted considerable space for the political-electoral theme.   KEYWORDS: journalism; social networks; elections.     RESUMEN Este artículo presenta un análisis sobre cómo el diario El Estado de Maranhão (MA) se apropia de su página en Facebook como espacio para difundir contenido periodístico. El enfoque metodológico es cuantitativo y cualitativo a partir del análisis del contenido de 608 posts extraídos de la fanpage del periódico y de entrevista con la responsable de la parte digital del vehículo. La investigación tiene por objetivo analizar las características de los contenidos distribuidos por la red social, especialmente observando el espacio destinado a temas electorales. El análisis trabaja con las siguientes características: temas, tema electoral, alcance y la relación com os lectores. Como resultado principal se resalta que el Estado de Maranhão concedió espacio considerable para el tema político-electoral.   PALABRAS CLAVE: periodismo, redes sociales, elecciones.  


Author(s):  
Raja Maznah Raja Hussain ◽  
Khalid Khamis Al Saadi

Purpose â€“ The purpose of this study is to examine the elements that determine students’ success as designers of an e-book by means of an authentic assessment in a collaborative learning environment. A total of 11 English Language Teaching (ELT) postgraduate students were involved as designers, writers and peer reviewers of the e-book project. Methodology â€“ Data was gathered based on a qualitative methodological approach, via face-to-face discussions, WhatsApp groups, Moodle classes and reflections from students’ e-portfolios. The data was analyzed using content analysis procedures where it was read carefully to understand emerging themes. It was then coded and labeled manually in relation to the aims of the study and its theoretical framework. Findings â€“ The analysis suggested that the students had positive experiences where they became self-publishers while engaged in designing learning experiences via integrating technology. The use of authentic assessments enabled them to develop teamwork, to become motivated and self-directed learners with autonomy. Significance â€“ The outcome of this research will help course designers and program developers to integrate authentic assessments that are relevant to the current needs of students. 


Geoforum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 97 ◽  
pp. 242-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Branch ◽  
Giuliano Martiniello

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