The Marriage of Finance and Order: Changes in the Mexican Political Elite

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Angel Centeno ◽  
Sylvia Maxfield
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The 1960S

Recent literature on Latin American political economy appears to echo work of the 1960s and 1970s emphasising technical expertise in government. Sikkink and Geddes, for example, suggest that the role of technical experts and professionalisation of the bureaucracy explain Brazil's relative economic successes in the 1960s.1 Conaghan, Malloy and Abugattas focus on the role of technocrats in economic policy—making in the Central Andes.2 Following seminal work by Camp and Smith, Hernández Rodríguez presents the latest data on the role of technocrats in the Mexican political elite.3 To a large extent, this recent literature on technocrats in Latin America fails to address one of the main issues debated in the earlier literature: the political consequences of increasingly technocratic government. A second problem with recent work is that, when it does address causal issues, it tends to follow the functionalist logic of earlier literature. Using data on Mexican political elites, this article develops a new typology which carefully differentiates the new technobureaucratic elite from other elite groups. The aim is to shed new light on the debate over the implications of increasing technocratisation. Secondly, this study of the rise of a new elite emphasises the role of institutional changes within the government bureaucracy in addition to the state's functional response to changes in its politico—economic environment. This article begins with a brief discussion of earlier general — and Mexico—specific — literature on technocrats.Some analysts of technocracy in the 1960s and 1970s saw technocrats as apolitical specialists whose growing role in society heralded ‘an end to ideology’ and increased efficiency in government.4

A New Kind of Vanguard: Cuban−North Korean Discourse on Revolutionary Strategy for the Global South in the 1960s

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Moe Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Global South ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Cuban Government ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Harsh Criticism ◽  
Latin American Left ◽  
Leftist Parties

Abstract During the 1960s, the Cuban government attempted to play a leadership role within the Latin American Left. In the process Cuban leaders departed from Marxist−Leninist orthodoxy, garnering harsh criticism from their Soviet and Chinese allies. Yet Cuba found a steadfast supporter of its controversial positions in North Korea. This support can in large part be explained by the parallels between Cuban and North Korean ideas about revolution in the developing nations of the Global South. Most significantly, both parties embraced a radical reconceptualisation of the role of the Marxist−Leninist vanguard party. This new doctrine appealed primarily to younger Latin American militants frustrated with the established leftist parties and party politics in general. The Cuban/North Korean theory of the party had a tangible influence in Colombia, Peru, Brazil, Puerto Rico, El Salvador, Mexico, Bolivia and Nicaragua, as revolutionary groups in these societies took up arms in the 1960s and 1970s.

scholarly journals National ideals or national interest: New Zealand and South Africa, 1981-1994

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lauren Peacock
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
South African ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

<p>“National ideals or National Interest?” examines the making and implementation by successive New Zealand governments of policy toward apartheid South Africa from 1981 to 1994. Its main focus is the contradictory relationship between living up to New Zealand’s ideals against doing what was practicable in the context of the time. The dilemma the apartheid state faced, in trying to solve its internal problems while not imperilling its external security was often not appreciated by the New Zealand government. These misconceptions helped shape New Zealand policy. Ironically once the South African regime began to investigate the possibilities of some sort of political transformation, their New Zealand counterparts were less willing to empathise with the risks involved with such an undertaking than they had been in the 1960s and 1970s. “National Ideals’ also examines the role of civil society and what was often a parallel unofficial foreign policy based around these person -to - person contacts, including the problems posed for the government by the need to persuade groups such as the NZRFU to follow government policy without overstepping what were strongly entrenched principles of individual freedom. The conflicts within the two main political parties of New Zealand were also important in shaping policy, as was the adversarial relationship between the major parties. “National Ideals” concluded that more often than not interests came first and indeed that at times policy decisions often to the product of accident and intrigue.</p>

scholarly journals National ideals or national interest: New Zealand and South Africa, 1981-1994

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lauren Peacock
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
South African ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

<p>“National ideals or National Interest?” examines the making and implementation by successive New Zealand governments of policy toward apartheid South Africa from 1981 to 1994. Its main focus is the contradictory relationship between living up to New Zealand’s ideals against doing what was practicable in the context of the time. The dilemma the apartheid state faced, in trying to solve its internal problems while not imperilling its external security was often not appreciated by the New Zealand government. These misconceptions helped shape New Zealand policy. Ironically once the South African regime began to investigate the possibilities of some sort of political transformation, their New Zealand counterparts were less willing to empathise with the risks involved with such an undertaking than they had been in the 1960s and 1970s. “National Ideals’ also examines the role of civil society and what was often a parallel unofficial foreign policy based around these person -to - person contacts, including the problems posed for the government by the need to persuade groups such as the NZRFU to follow government policy without overstepping what were strongly entrenched principles of individual freedom. The conflicts within the two main political parties of New Zealand were also important in shaping policy, as was the adversarial relationship between the major parties. “National Ideals” concluded that more often than not interests came first and indeed that at times policy decisions often to the product of accident and intrigue.</p>

scholarly journals Creating Destinations for a Better Tomorrow: UN Development Aid for Cultural Tourism in the 1960s

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942097476
Author(s):  
Marie Huber
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Development Aid ◽  
Employment Sector ◽  
Development Decade ◽  
Colonial Legacies ◽  
The Subject ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
International Experts

Tourism is today considered as a crucial employment sector in many developing countries. In the growing field of historical tourism research, however, the relationships between tourism and development, and the role of international organizations, above all the UN, have been given little attention to date. My paper will illuminate how during the 1960s tourism first became the subject of UN policies and a praised solution for developing countries. Examples from expert consultancy missions in developing countries such as Ethiopia, India and Nepal will be contextualized within the more general debates and programme activities for heritage conservation and also the first UN development decade. Drawing on sources from the archives of UNESCO, as well as tourism promotion material, it will be possible to understand how tourism sectors in many so-called developing countries were shaped considerably by this international cooperation. Like in other areas of development aid, activities in tourism were grounded in scientific studies and based on statistical data and analysis by international experts. Examining this knowledge production is a telling exercise in understanding development histories colonial legacies under the umbrella of the UN during the 1960s and 1970s.

scholarly journals Looking Through the Mirror: the pratice of techinical assistance to social movements in Brazil seen by uruguayan experience

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
João Paulo O. Huguenin
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Self Management ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Housing Cooperatives ◽  
Whole Process ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The City ◽  
Political Scene

The Uruguayan model of housing cooperatives emerged in the 1960s from movements in civil society. This experience was adapted to Latin American realities and arrived in Brazil in the 1980s, along with the redemocaratizac?a?o process, which made the emergence of new actors on the political scene and recon gured the action of housing movements, which besides claiming passed propose projects with popular participation. The success of the self-managed housing production depends on three factors: the government, responsible for housing policy for self-management, the organized population, which will manage the project, and tech- nical advice, support of the whole process. In this article we seek to re ect on this third factor, that is, the possibilities and limits of performance of technical advisory services in the Brazilian context. To achieve this objective, the Uruguayan experience as a case con- trol. The choice of this approach proves to be useful both to under- stand our reality, and to visualize other possibilities. The contexts of each country led to di erent forms of assimilation of housing self-management. While in Uruguay pilot experiences have result- ed in a national law regulating the housing cooperatives in Brazil had experiences in several municipalities that until 2004 did not succeed in becoming a national policy. The exponent of these ex- periences is the FUNAPS-Comunita?rio, launched in 1992 by the City of Sa?o Paulo. However, using this case as an example reduces the issue and mutes other successful experiences. Therefore, we will use the Rio experience, which although small, has peculiarities, such as the adoption of collective ownership in some cooperatives. 

Resisting Closures and Winning Wages in the 1960s and 1970s

2019 ◽  
pp. 197-228
Author(s):  
Jim Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Mining Communities ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.

The Latin American Publishing Circuit in the 21st Century: Following the Trajectory of César Aira

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 056-064
Author(s):  
María Belén Riveiro ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
American Literature ◽  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Latin American Literature ◽  
Publishing Houses ◽  
César Aira ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Cesar Aira ◽  
The 1960S

This essay poses a question about the identity of Latin American literature in the 21st century. In the 1960s and 1970s, the Latin America Boom received recognition both locally and internationally, becoming the dominant means of defining Latin American literature up to the present. This essay explores new ways to understand this notion of Latin America in the literary scene. The case of the Argentine writer César Aira is relevant for analyzing alternative publishing circuits that connect various points of the region. These publishing houses foster a defiant way of establishing the value of literature.

Tanzania

Jah Kingdom ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monique A. Bedasse
Keyword(s):  
Modern History ◽  
Safe Haven ◽  
Pan African ◽  
Pan Africanism ◽  
Freedom Fighters ◽  
African Context ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter sets the pan-African context in which the repatriation occurs. In particular, it explains the rise of Tanzania as a safe haven for African freedom fighters and radical diasporic Africans in the 1960s and 1970s, connecting the repatriation to wider diasporic engagement with Tanzania in this period. It places ujamaa within the context of other African socialisms of the day and highlights the role of pan-Africanism in the making of Tanzania’s modern history.

Tourism suppliers’ view of the role of government initiatives and tourism competitiveness in distressed contexts

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erisher Woyo
Keyword(s):  
Developing Economies ◽  
Tourism Development ◽  
Convenience Sample ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Level Of Involvement ◽  
Government Involvement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Using Data ◽  
High Level

This chapter analyses the role of government initiatives in tourism competitiveness, using data collected from suppliers operating in a distressed tourist destination. The government’s involvement in the process of tourism development, especially in developing countries, is critical. The role and participation of governments in tourism development vary from minimal to a high level of involvement. Developing economies with ongoing political and economic challenges like Zimbabwe have not been comprehensively researched, especially on the nexus between competitiveness and government initiatives. Using qualitative data from a convenience sample of 15 hospitality and tourism managers in Zimbabwe, it was found that the role of government is important for enhancing tourism competitiveness. The study concludes that a higher level of government involvement is needed for Zimbabwe to enhance competitiveness. The government should play a greater role, especially in providing an enabling environment for improved competitiveness while reducing corruption.

“It was a jet. It was a jet. It was a jet.”

2021 ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Jessica DuLong
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
The United States ◽  
Staten Island ◽  
Creative Problem ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Maritime Infrastructure ◽  
Maritime Community ◽  
The U.S

This chapter provides a background of the waterborne evacuation that happened after the events of 9/11. New York harbor was, and is, a busy place — the third largest container port in the United States and a vital connection between New York City and the rest of the world. Manhattan is an island, and the realities of island real estate are what ushered the port's industries off Manhattan's shores and over to Brooklyn, Staten Island, and New Jersey in the 1960s and 1970s. By late 2001, maritime infrastructure had been replaced with ornamental fencing. On September 11, 2001, as the cascade of catastrophe unfolded, people found their fates altered by the absence of that infrastructure and discovered themselves dependent upon the creative problem solving of New York harbor's maritime community — waterfront workers who had been thrust beyond their usual occupations and into the role of first responders. Long before the U.S. Coast Guard's call for “all available boats” crackled out over marine radios, scores of ferries, tugs, dinner boats, sailing yachts, and other vessels had begun converging along Manhattan's shores. Hundreds of mariners shared their skills and equipment to conduct a massive, unplanned rescue. Within hours, nearly half a million people had been delivered from Manhattan by boat.

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