scholarly journals Izquierda peronista: una categoría útil para el análisis histórico / Peronist Left: A Useful Category for Historical Analysis

2017 ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Valeria Caruso ◽  
Esteban Campos ◽  
Mariano Vigo ◽  
Omar Acha
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Analytical Category

El presente trabajo examina la utilidad de la categoría analítica “izquierda peronista” para caracterizar las tendencias anticapitalistas y socialistas del peronismo surgidas en la Argentina de los años 1960 y 1970. Estudia los usos de la categoría en las investigaciones sobre el tema, en las que coexiste con nociones alternativas tales como “peronismo revolucionario”. Aunque el peronismo en general se ha (auto)percibido como un movimiento ajeno a las clasificaciones modernas del espectro político en términos de izquierda-derecha, el estudio de los usos de esas clasificaciones, en ocasiones empleadas por los propios actores, sugiere la relevancia analítica del término “izquierda peronista” en clave politética.Palabras clavePeronismo, izquierda peronista, historiografía, clasificación politética.AbstractThis article examines the usefulness of the analytical category “Peronist left” to characterize the anti-capitalist and socialist tendencies of Peronism that emerged in Argentina in the 1960s and 1970s. It discusses the uses of the category in different works of research, where is coincidental with alternative notions such as “revolutionary Peronism”. Although Peronism in general has been (self)perceived as a movement strange to modern classifications of the political spectrum in terms of left and right, the study of the uses of these classifications, sometimes employed by the actors themselves, suggests the analytical relevance of the term “Peronist left” in polythetic inquiry.Key WordsPeronism, peronist left, historiography, polythetic classification.

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

The Politics of Banking and Social Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aled Davies
Keyword(s):  
Banking System ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Industrial Economy ◽  
The Social ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Demand

This chapter concerns the politics of managing the domestic banking system in post-war Britain. It examines the pressures brought to bear on the post-war settlement in banking during the 1960s and 1970s—in particular, the growth of new credit creating institutions and the political demand for more competition between banks. This undermined the social democratic model for managing credit established since the war. The chapter focuses in particular on how the Labour Party attempted in the 1970s to produce a banking system that was competitive, efficient, and able to channel credit to the struggling industrial economy.

Growth and Decline in South Africa's Churches, 1960-911

2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-369
Author(s):  
David Goodhew
Keyword(s):  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Trends ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Christian Churches ◽  
Protestant Churches ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Expanding Population ◽  
Almost All

AbstractSouth Africa's churches grew or declined so quickly in the years after 1960 that by 1991 the country's religious map had been redrawn. This article charts and offers explanations for such developments. Almost all Christian churches grew substantially in the first half of the twentieth century but mainline churches were dominant. They continued to grow numerically into the 1960s and 1970s, but were beginning to shrink as a proportion of the expanding population. By contrast, Roman Catholic, African Independent and smaller independent denominations were growing quickly. By the 1990s, mainline Protestant churches were suffering considerable decline and Roman Catholicism's growth had stalled. African Independent and other churches continued to grow rapidly. A matrix of forces help to explain this phenomenon-including the political situation, socio-economic pressures, secularisation and particular religious factors. A comparative perspective shows South Africa's churches to have much in common with African and global trends.

THE REFORM OF WORKING LIFE IN BRITAIN, 1963–1971

2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD WHITING
Keyword(s):  
Modern Society ◽  
Working Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Interest ◽  
Labour Law ◽  
Legal Process ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Managerial Authority ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

In the 1960s and 1970s both Conservative and Labour governments passed novel laws dealing with the rights of individuals at work. Overshadowed by conflicts over collective labour law, the political significance of this legislation has remained unexplored. This article suggests that the legislation struck a balance between recognizing the complexity of work in a modern society, and preserving managerial authority. It also argues that the reforms served a Conservative agenda in rooting an individual interest in work in a legal process. This was part of a pivotal challenge to the system of voluntary collective bargaining that had traditionally benefited the labour movement.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Academic Interest ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Western Democracies

In addition to summarizing the book’s main themes as described, this Introduction places special emphasis on connecting the problem animating the book—the apparent incapacity of contemporary parties to mediate between citizens and the state—to current political developments in established Western democracies, showing that the issues the book addresses are not only of academic interest but also directly relevant to ongoing public debates about the state and health of representative democracy. Chief amongst the themes foregrounded here is the rise of so-called ‘populist’ parties on the left and right of the political spectrum, as well as the re-branding of established political actors as ‘movements’ (think, e.g. of Emmanuel Macron’s La République en Marche). These phenomena are interpreted as part of a larger ‘revolt against intermediary bodies’—meaning first and foremost a rebellion against political parties. The Introduction suggests that this ‘revolt’ brings with it only a temporary shift in how representative politics looks, without actually reversing the disconnect between parties and voters or compelling established political parties to give up their privileges and de-colonize the institutions of the state. This argument sets the stage for the book’s core contention that more thought has to be put into finding ways to reconnect political parties with society.

scholarly journals Praetorian Army in Action: A Critical Assessment of Civil–Military Relations in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-222
Author(s):  
Berk Esen
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Officer Corps ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Military Relations

With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military’s political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military’s guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes.

scholarly journals ‘HIGH POLITICS’ AND THE ‘NEW POLITICAL HISTORY’

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 453-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID M. CRAIG
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Political World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Michael Oakeshott ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
High Politics

ABSTRACTRecent claims about the convergence in methodology between ‘high politics’ and the ‘new political history’ remain unclear. The first part of this review examines two deeply entrenched misunderstandings of key works of high politics from the 1960s and 1970s, namely that they proposed elitist arguments about the ‘closed’ nature of the political world, and reductive arguments about the irrelevance of ‘ideas’ to political behaviour. The second part traces the intellectual ancestry of Maurice Cowling's thinking about politics, and places it within an interpretative tradition of social science. The formative influences of R. G. Collingwood and Michael Oakeshott are examined, and Mark Bevir's Logic of the history of ideas is used to highlight how Cowling's approach can be aligned with ‘new political history’.

Meaning and Musicality

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Birtwistle
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Politics Of Representation ◽  
Sound Image ◽  
Modes Of Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Structural Film

The chapter critically reappraises the work of the British experimental filmmaker John Smith, drawing on analyses of key films and interview material to explore his use of sound, music and voice. Smith’s films often engage self-reflexively with how sound creates or accepts meaning within an audiovisual context. Influenced by structural film practice of the 1960s and 1970s, and underpinned by a Brechtian concern with the politics of representation, Smith’s often humorous work both foregrounds and deconstructs the sound-image relations at work in dominant modes of cinematic representation. This analysis of Smith’s work identifies the political dynamic of the filmmaker’s use of sound, and addresses what is at stake—for both Smith and his audience—in the self-reflexive concern with audiovisual modes of representation. Examined within this context are Smith’s creative focus on the production of meaning and how this relates to aspects of musicality and abstraction in his work.

scholarly journals History Education and the Claims of Society

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Verschaffel ◽  
Kaat Wils
Keyword(s):  
Recent Article ◽  
History Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Theme ◽  
National Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Dutch History

The political use and instrumentalization of history is a central theme within the historiography of history education. Neither history nor education is a politically neutral domain; history education is and has always been a highly politicized phenomenon. For his recent article on the development of history education in England, Germany, and the Netherlands throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the Dutch history didactician Arie Wilschut chose the significant title, “History at the Mercy of Politicians and Ideologies.” History education, Wilschut argues, has, in all three countries, continually—with a short break in the 1960s and 1970s—been instrumentalized by national politics to the detriment of unbiased interpretations of the past.

A ‘Mediterranean New Left’? Comparing and Contrasting the French PSU and the Italian PSIUP

2010 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL A. GORDON
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
New Left ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Self Management ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
New Evidence

AbstractThis article argues that Gerd-Rainer Horn's model of a ‘Mediterranean New Left’ encompassing both the French Parti socialiste unifié (PSU, 1960–1990) and the Italian Partito socialista italiano di unità proletaria (PSIUP, 1964–1972) needs to be significantly revised. It agrees that, half a century on from the events which gave rise to their foundation, this much misunderstood part of the political spectrum, midway between social democracy and the far left, is worthy of rescue from the ‘enormous condescension of posterity’, but questions how similar the two parties actually were. Major differences emerge, especially in the nature of each party's relationship with communism, with the philosovietism of the PSIUP contrasting with the PSU's evolution towards an anti-Leninist decentralist socialism of self-management. Yet, at the same time, important new evidence is uncovered about the concrete political and personal links that developed between leading intellectuals of the PSIUP and PSU, an example being the friendship of the Italian parliamentarian and theorist Lelio Basso with the journalist Gilles Martinet, later French ambassador to Italy. Other transnational links, both across the Mediterranean and to eastern Europe, are explored. Furthermore, the location of the roots of both parties in the 1940s generation of anti-fascist resistance calls into question prevailing assumptions equating the New Left with the youth of the 1960s, with wider implications for our understanding of the development of the European left across the twentieth century.

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