Decision of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in the Matter of the Constitutional Petition of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine Regarding an Official Interpretation of Article 11.6 of the Law of Ukraine "On Political Parties in Ukraine" (Case of the Creation and Registration of Political Parties)

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 91-95
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Law

Legal restrictions on the right of association in political parties and their interpretation in court decisions: comparative legal analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-179
Author(s):  
Andrey Vershinin
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Party System ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Creation

The article examines the issue of exercising the freedom of association in political parties in Russia in a comparative analysis with the leading democratic countries of the world. Modern democracies cannot be imagined without political parties, which are the representors of the interests of their voters in legislative bodies and local government bodies. The development of civil society and the entire political system in the country depends on how the freedom of association in political parties and the access of parties to participate in elections is realized. The development of legislation on political parties in the Russian Federation proceeded unevenly. In the first years after the adoption of the Constitution the legislative body did not introduce strict requirements for parties. The adoption of a special federal law on political parties in 2001 became a turning point in the development of the party system. The author identifies two large blocks of restrictions on the creation of parties. The first is legislative restrictions, the second is the restrictions that arise from the unfair activities of legislative and law enforcement agencies. In this work, legislative restrictions are compared with restrictions in other democracies, as well as based on legal positions developed by the European Court of Human Rights. The author comes to the opinion that some restrictions on the creation of parties are not necessary now, in the meantime they significantly narrow the possibilities of party creation and political competition. First, we are talking about a ban on the creation of regional parties. The Constitutional Court in its legal positions indicated that this restriction is temporary and will be lifted over time. Within the framework of this work, the author will give suggestions on changing the approach to the creation of political parties in Russia, which should affect the emergence of new strong parties at different levels of public authority. The author believes that a system of “controlled multiparty system” has developed in Russia, which is implemented both in changing the legislation on political parties based on the interests of the “party in power” and the practice of the registration body, which prevents the formation of new parties claiming to redistribute the existing distribution of forces. Based on the analysis of the legislation on political parties, law enforcement practice, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the ECHR and the legislation of foreign countries, the author proposes approaches to reforming the existing party system, which include small cosmetic changes and large-scale changes in approaches to the creation of parties.

scholarly journals Resultan Politik dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 dalam Politik Hukum Pemilu

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Election System ◽  
The Law ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
Political Decisions

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.

scholarly journals Akibat Hukum bagi Kreditur Setelah Perjanjian Perkawinan Dibuat dan Telah Disahkan

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
William Surya Putra Handoko
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Analysis Approach ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Analysis Techniques ◽  
Personal Property ◽  
Legal Problems ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Law ◽  
Joint Property

This study aimed to analyze legal problems due to the change in the legal status of the debtor’s property in marriage which was previously a joint property into the personal property of each husband or wife.  This study used a statutory approach and an analysis approach, while the analysis techniques used grammatical interpretation and systematic interpretation. After the decision of the Constitutional Court was issued, the creation of marriage agreements that had been ratified would result in the law of separation of property and applied to third parties. The marriage agreement should not harm third parties.

scholarly journals Aus für Thüringer Paritätsgesetz. Zum Urteil des Verfassungsgerichtshofs Thüringen vom 15 . Juli 2020 – VerfGH 2/20

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 639-649
Author(s):  
Siegfried Jutzi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
Parity Rule ◽  
The Law ◽  
Constitutional Right ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
Freedom Of Action

Thuringia’s electoral law stipulates a parity rule for its next state parliament election . Each political party’s electoral list should alternately be filled by female and male candidates . The Constitutional Court of Thuringia revoked the law . The Court ruled that the parity regulation compromised voters’ and candidates’ constitutional right to freedom and equality of choice as well as political parties’ right to freedom of action and equal opportunities . The ruling is commented approvingly in the result .

scholarly journals La vulnerabilità degli immigrati nel sistema di accoglienza extra-ordinem dei richiedenti asilo

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Ferrero
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Ethical Obligation ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Law

In the existing Italian asylum system we can witness a huge discrepancy between what is prescribed by the law and what happens in practice in the hosting structures for asylum seekers. Responsibilities for the creation and development of such a twisted system rely on all different political parties, which have either consciously strived to hinder the proper application of the norms, or so much insisted in the depiction of reception as an ethical obligation as to blur the binding juridical sources of the duty to reception itself. This has led to continuous violations of the fundamental rights of asylum seekers, especially of vulnerable ones, which will be briefly enumerated in this writing.

The Dudley Lee Case: A new approach to factual causation and its implications for transformative jurisprudence

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-289
Author(s):  
Anmari Meerkotter
Keyword(s):  
Case Note ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Recent Contribution ◽  
New Approach ◽  
State Accountability ◽  
The Law ◽  
Transformative Impact ◽  
Constitutional Jurisprudence ◽  
Law Of Delict

The Constitutional Court (CC) judgment of Lee v Minister of Correction Services 2013 2SA 144 (CC) is a recent contribution to transformative constitutional jurisprudence in the field of the law of delict. This matter turned on the issue of factual causation in the context of wrongful and negligent systemic omissions by the state. In this case note, I explore the law relating to this element of delictual liability with specific regard to the traditional test for factual causation – the conditio sine qua non (‘but-for’) test. In particular, I note the problems occasioned by formalistic adherence to this test in the context of systemic state omissions as evidenced by the SCA judgment in the same matter. I also consider the manner in which English courts have addressed this problem. Thereafter, I analyse the CC’s broader approach to the determination of factual causation as one based on common sense and justice. I argue that this approach endorses a break from a formalistic application of the test and constitutes a step towards an approach which resonates with the foundational constitutional values of freedom, dignity and equality. Furthermore, it presents an appropriate solution to the problems associated with factual causation where systemic omissions are concerned. I then consider the transformative impact of the Lee judgment. In particular, I argue that the broader enquiry favoured by the CC facilitates the realisation of constitutionally guaranteed state accountability, and amounts to an extension of the existing norm of accountability jurisprudence. Hence, I contend that the judgment presents a further effort by the Constitutional Court to effect wholesale the constitutionalisation of the law of delict, as well as a vindicatory tool to be used by litigants who have been adversely affected by systemic state omissions.

CIVIL AND LEGAL LIABILITY OF JUDGES

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Skoromnyy ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Pension System ◽  
Legal Liability ◽  
Judicial System ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Model Code ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Right

The article presents the conceptual foundations of bringing judges to civil and legal liability. It was found that the civil and legal liability of judges is one of the types of legal liability of judges. It is determined that the legislation of Ukraine provides for a clearly delineated list of the main cases (grounds) for which the state is liable for damages for damage caused to a legal entity and an individual by illegal actions of a judge as a result of the administration of justice. It has been proved that bringing judges to civil and legal liability, in particular on the basis of the right of recourse, provides for the payment of just compensation in accordance with the decision of the European Court of Human Rights. It was established that the bringing of judges to civil and legal liability in Ukraine is regulated by such legislative documents as the Constitution of Ukraine, the Civil Code of Ukraine, the Explanatory Note to the European Charter on the Status of Judges (Model Code), the Law of Ukraine «On the Judicial System and the Status of Judges», the Law of Ukraine «On the procedure for compensation for harm caused to a citizen by illegal actions of bodies carrying out operational-search activities, pre-trial investigation bodies, prosecutors and courts», Decision of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in the case on the constitutional submission of the Supreme Court of Ukraine regarding the compliance of the Constitution of Ukraine (constitutionality) of certain provisions of Article 2, paragraph two of clause II «Final and transitional provisions» of the Law of Ukraine «On measures to legislatively ensure the reform of the pension system», Article 138 of the Law of Ukraine «On the judicial system and the status of judges» (the case on changes in the conditions for the payment of pensions and monthly living known salaries of judges lagging behind in these), the Law of Ukraine «On the implementation of decisions and the application of the practice of the European Court of Human Rights».

Parliamentarism and the Legislative Branch

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
Effective Decision ◽  
The Law ◽  
Internal Operations ◽  
Effective Decision Making ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Law Making

This chapter examines the relationship between parliamentarism and the legislative branch. It explores the evolution of the legislative branch, leading to disillusionment with the rationalized law-making factory, a venture run by political parties beyond the reach of constitutional rules. The rise of democratically bred party rule is positioned between the forces favouring free debate versus effective decision-making in the legislature. The chapter analyses the institutional make-up and internal operations of the legislature, the role of the opposition in the legislative assembly, and explores the benefits of bicameralism for boosting the powers of the legislative branch. Finally, it looks at the law-making process and its outsourcing via delegating legislative powers to the executive.

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