scholarly journals Migration and Development in Pakistan: Some Selected Issues

1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 743-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Irfan

Economic progress entails various shifts in resource allocations. A progressive deployment of factors of production from the primary-goods-producing sector to secondary and tertiary sectors is regarded as a vital concomitant of economic transformation. This inter-sectoral transfer of resources, both human and capital, very often involves geographic transfer because of imbalances which manifest themselves u shortages or surpluses. Viewed in this context, migration performs a useful role by transferring excess labour from the agricultural (rural) to the modem industrial sector in urban areas. In fact, a vast amount of literature, under the rubric of the 'labour Surplus' models, has evolved, especially during the 1950s, in which migration is seen as an equilibrating and growth-promoting mechanism leading to reductions in wage differentials, equitable income distribution and elimination of surpluses and shortages. Evidence accumulated during the 1960s and 1970s has also shown that migration could lead to worsening geographic and socio-economic in~ ties. This has led quite a few scholars to characterize migration as a dis-equilibrating rather than an equilibrating mechanism. Not only are the theoretical possibilities Varied, but the empirical evidence is also mixed and inconclusive .

Author(s):  
Hazel Gray

This chapter sets out the analytical framework of political settlements and elaborates the framework to account for the socialist experiences of Tanzania and Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s. A political settlement, as defined by Mushtaq Khan, is a combination of power and institutions that is mutually compatible and also sustainable in terms of economic and political viability. The chapter clarifies the core building blocks of the approach and sets out the main differences between political settlements and new institutional economics. The chapter then defines a socialist political settlement where productive rights are formally held by the collective and formal institutions protect common and collectively owned assets. The attempts to construct a socialist political settlement left important institutional, political, and economic legacies. These shaped incentives and constraints which influenced a number of critical processes at the heart of economic development—related to technological learning, accumulation for investment, and political stabilization.


Author(s):  
Blake Slonecker

In the decade after 1965, radicals responded to the alienating features of America’s technocratic society by developing alternative cultures that emphasized authenticity, individualism, and community. The counterculture emerged from a handful of 1950s bohemian enclaves, most notably the Beat subcultures in the Bay Area and Greenwich Village. But new influences shaped an eclectic and decentralized counterculture after 1965, first in San Francisco’s Haight-Ashbury district, then in urban areas and college towns, and, by the 1970s, on communes and in myriad counter-institutions. The psychedelic drug cultures around Timothy Leary and Ken Kesey gave rise to a mystical bent in some branches of the counterculture and influenced counterculture style in countless ways: acid rock redefined popular music; tie dye, long hair, repurposed clothes, and hip argot established a new style; and sexual mores loosened. Yet the counterculture’s reactionary elements were strong. In many counterculture communities, gender roles mirrored those of mainstream society, and aggressive male sexuality inhibited feminist spins on the sexual revolution. Entrepreneurs and corporate America refashioned the counterculture aesthetic into a marketable commodity, ignoring the counterculture’s incisive critique of capitalism. Yet the counterculture became the basis of authentic “right livelihoods” for others. Meanwhile, the politics of the counterculture defy ready categorization. The popular imagination often conflates hippies with radical peace activists. But New Leftists frequently excoriated the counterculture for rejecting political engagement in favor of hedonistic escapism or libertarian individualism. Both views miss the most important political aspects of the counterculture, which centered on the embodiment of a decentralized anarchist bent, expressed in the formation of counter-institutions like underground newspapers, urban and rural communes, head shops, and food co-ops. As the counterculture faded after 1975, its legacies became apparent in the redefinition of the American family, the advent of the personal computer, an increasing ecological and culinary consciousness, and the marijuana legalization movement.


2000 ◽  
Vol 39 (4II) ◽  
pp. 807-824 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahboob Ahmed

Income distribution entered the post war discussion of economic development fairly late. Until the 1960s much of the focus was on industrialisation and the need for capital accumulation. Pakistan was no exception as in the early 60s economic expansion became the main target and means to political identity. Rapid population growth associated with steep decline in mortality demanded acceleration of production to keep pace. Overall aggregate expansion was much faster than before but without benefit for the poor. In that context emerged a new professional interest in income distribution. Haq’s (1964) study was one of the oldest studies conducted to measure inequality in personal income distribution in the high income brackets in the urban areas of Pakistan. The main objective of the author was to present the income distribution pattern in terms of the relative shares of different income groups as well as in terms of Pareto coefficients and concentration ratio during the period 1948-49 to 1957-58 for which published tax data was available. While recognising the limitations of the data used, the author went on to calculate various measures of income inequality including Pareto coefficient and Lorenz curve. The author also made comparison of Pakistan’s income distribution with U.S.A. and U.K.


Author(s):  
James M. Burns

The history of moving images in Africa dates to the late 19th century, when the first films premiered in South Africa shortly after their world debut in Paris. By 1940 cinema had become a staple of public leisure in urban areas across the continent. In the postwar era cinema’s popularity grew in cities and began to make inroads into rural areas. In the 1930s, colonial administrators started producing didactic films for African consumption. Before the Second World War, the majority of films made for African audiences were produced by administrators in British territories. In the postwar era other colonial governments got involved to varying degrees in the project to educate Africans through film. Films for African education continued to be produced and distributed in the postcolonial era by governments and international aid organizations. The earliest commercial film industry in Africa emerged in South Africa during the silent era. Elsewhere, indigenous production did not begin until the late colonial period. Television came relatively late to Africa, premiering in Nigeria during the waning days of colonial rule and being introduced gradually during the 1960s and 1970s in most nations. The initial reach of television was limited by the poverty of most Africa consumers, and African governments produced few original television programs before 2000. The economic crisis that gripped postcolonial Africa in the 1960s shuttered many urban cinemas and limited television’s reach at a time when it was expanding globally. During this period African artists, frequently with the financial assistance of Western governments, and technical training on both sides of the iron curtain, began producing their own films. A central concern of these pioneering artists was to provide a response to the negative depictions of Africa that were a staple of Western commercial cinema. The distribution of these films was limited on the continent, though many received critical acclaim when shown at film festivals in Europe and North America. In the 1980s audiences in West Africa became consumers of a new genre of moving image, video films, which were produced on limited budgets in urban areas in West Africa. The advent of satellite television services in the 1990s made moving images increasingly accessible to African people across the continent. The end of apartheid in 1990 also proved a fillip to cinema and television production in southern Africa. In the 21st century the availability of visual images has expanded across the continent, as individual ownership of televisions has risen broadly and mobile phone technology has made moving images available to many other consumers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (5) ◽  
pp. 867-900
Author(s):  
Antonella Rancan

The paper discusses Modigliani, Brumberg, and Ando’s life cycle hypothesis and its difficult acceptance in Italy over the 1960s and 1970s. The increasing attention to the effects of income redistribution on consumption coupled with the strong influence that post-Keynesian economics exercised on the theoretical and political debate of that time led to a widespread preference of Kaldor’s theory as over the life cycle as the best representation of Italian savings behavior.


1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 111-132
Author(s):  
Richard Weisskoff

The Issue of the Distribution of income is once again emerging as a critical component in the debates regarding Latin America's development path in the 1990s and as a factor underlying the proposed Enterprise of the Americas Initiative (EAI). I will argue that the degree of income inequality in the Latin American societies will prove to be an obvious, if unnoticed, obstacle to social progress which will affect the operation and outcome of the Initiative. In this essay, I review some of the hypotheses and recent findings from the research on income distribution. I shall contrast the conditions of the growth decades of the 1960s and 1970s with the “lost” decade of the 1980s. What have we learned, and what have we avoided learning during these years? How many of the initial conditions which the Alliance for Progress aimed at remedying 30 years ago are still with us?


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 209-232
Author(s):  
Dong-Choon Kim

In the 1950s, Christianity and educational achievement were the primary means for Koreans to break through the misery and powerlessness that the conflict from June 1950 to July 1953 had caused. Along with education, religion was a promising route in securing familial welfare for South Koreans. Among the several religions and denominations, Protestant churches were more popular for the uprooted people residing in urban areas. These two privately motivated daily activities—education and religion—captured the concern of the Korean people who had lost everything during the war. Under President Syngman Rhee’s “police state” and infrastructural ruin, religious and educational institutions filled the vacuum in the Republic of Korea that the Korean War had left in civil society. The Korean “habitus” of family promotion in the 1950s foretold the fast economic growth of the 1960s and 1970s. This paper will show how South Korea, during that decade, witnessed the formation of a new familialism, which tended to focus on the family’s fortune and money as a final goal. Ethical understandings and political decisions were secondary to the main priority of family promotion.


1994 ◽  
Vol 33 (4II) ◽  
pp. 1089-1098 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qazi Masood Ahmed

International comparison of fiscal efforts of developing countries was a fascinating area of public finance in the 1960s and 1970s. The famous studies in this area were Harley (1965); Lotz and Morss (1967); Raja (1971); Raja et al. (1975) and Roy (1979). Most of these studies used ordinary least square (OLS) technique to estimate the determinants of the total tax to GDP ratio and the most common exogenous variables used by these studies were share of agriculture sector, share of industrial sector, share of foreign trade and per capita income. Some studies used the level of monetisation, somes used the. level of education and other used the level of urbanisation as exogenous variables in the estimation of tax potential of different developing countries. The present study instead of exploring the determinants of tax to GDP ratio attempts to explore the determinants of buoyancy of the taxes i.e. the total taxes, direct taxes and indirect taxes. The buoyancy of a tax measures the total response of tax revenue to change in income. The scope of the study also includes the ranking of developing countries on the basis of actual to predicted values of these buoyancies. The study would have been more useful if the study could fmd the determinants of the elasticity of these taxes, but due to nonavailability of data on the discretionary measures for each tax this was not feasible. The paper is organised as follows, Section I describes the theoretical basis of the model, Section II gives methodology and data collection, Section III gives results of the model and Section IV summarises the main conclusions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Dedieu

Abstract:This article aims to analyze the emergence of the migration-development nexus after decolonization in Francophone sub-Saharan Africa. The first section explores the way in which French governmental bodies and NGOs started to frame public policies linking migration and development in the 1960s and 1970s. The second section highlights how developmentalist ideology was mobilized in the 1980s in order to set up return policies in partnership with African governments who were increasingly inclined to control migrants’ monetary remittances. The last section emphasizes how the migration-development nexus was orchestrated to control migratory flows from the late 1980s onwards.


Ecology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Strohbach ◽  
Boris Schröder

Humans have become an urban species, but this is a rather recent phenomena. The first cities appeared around six thousand years ago and while their number increased, their population remained relatively small. This changed in the industrial revolution and today cities are home to more than 50 percent of the world’s human population. Considering that most people live in cities and that ecology has been around for more than one hundred years, it seems obvious to have a subdiscipline called urban ecology. Not until the 1960s and 1970s, however, did urban ecology fully emerge and not until the 1990s did it become wildly popular. Most ecologists shunned urban areas, which have traditionally been viewed in opposition to natural, pristine, and wilderness places. It is true enough that water, air, and soil in cities are often polluted, open spaces are scarce and heavily managed, and communities resemble a wild mix of native and non-native species. It took a while until ecologists perceived this not just as a mess, but also as a research opportunity for understanding key ecological principles. Such principles are treated in separate Oxford Bibliographies in Ecology articles “Competition and Coexistence in Animal Communities,” “Metapopulations and Spatial Population Processes,” “Island Biogeography Theory,” “Succession,” and “Invasive Species.” The study of these phenomena is often referred to as ecology in cities. In the 1970s, a broader, interdisciplinary perspective took hold. It is often referred to as ecology of cities and understands urban areas as social-ecological systems. This shift in perspective stemmed from a recognition that people are influencing ecosystems everywhere on earth. In fact, cities are at the heart of many environmental problems and, therefore, they are a good place to look for solutions. Today, urban ecology is a key discipline for an urban planet. The need to adapt cities to climate change, maintain vegetation in the face of climate extremes, balance the need for development with the need for green space, or decrease the negative local-to-global environmental impacts of cities can be achieved without the interdisciplinary perspective urban ecology provides. This article gives an overview of the ever-increasing urban ecology literature. Of course, the list is subjective, reflecting our academic background, professional network, and research interest as well as our language skills. We acknowledge that we may have ignored important publications, published perhaps in a language we cannot read, or we may have focused too much on one topic and too little on another. We ask readers to understand these limitations and we encourage them to help us improve this article in the future.


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