Life and death in ancient Hermione. Excavations in the necropolis

Author(s):  
Angeliki Kossyva

The wealth of ancient Hermione is no longer visible: continuous habitation from c. 3000 BC down to the present day has obliterated most traces. Important information on the social organization and economy of Hermione can however be drawn from the tombs that have been unearthed. A large cemetery was discovered in the early 20th century just outside the city gate, stretching along the road leading to ancient Mases and in continuous use for a period of 1,500 years. It covers an area of 1.5 km east–west along the modern Hermione–Kranidi rural road, taking in the terrain to either side to a width of 160 m and extending south to Pron Hill and north to a patch of level ground some 60 m wide. In this article we focus on cemetery finds unearthed in the area south of the present-day Gymnasium-Lykeion school of Hermione, as they typically reflect the urban organization and economic development of the ancient city. These two themes comprise some of the goals pursued in the collaborative research programme between the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Argolid and the Swedish Institute at Athens.

Author(s):  
Barbara K. Gold

This chapter discusses the rise, development, and Romanization of ancient Carthage in the early Christian period after the formation of the province of Africa Proconsularis in the Augustan period; the physical topography of the city of Carthage, including the Byrsa, the Antonine Baths, and the amphitheater; and it describes the tophet or outdoor sacrificial area and whether human sacrifice was practiced among the Carthaginians. It also covers the life, influence, and African roots of Septimius Severus, the Roman emperor during Perpetua’s life and death. Also discussed are the social, religious, and intellectual conditions for pagans in Roman Carthage, who their local gods were (Tanit, Saturn, Juno Caelestis, Baal Hammon), and the connections between civic and religious life.


Author(s):  
Clyde E. Fant ◽  
Mitchell G. Reddish

Called Alexandria Troas to distinguish it from other cities named Alexandria, the city is often referred to simply as Troas. (“The Troad” is the name used for the area around the ancient city of Troy.) What was once a large and important city on the western coast of Asia Minor has today been reduced to a few ruins overgrown by trees and shrubs, receiving only a cursory visit from a small number of sightseers. Troas was an important city in antiquity because of its location. Situated on the Aegean coast almost directly opposite the island of Tenedos (modern Bozcaada), the city became a major trading center. To reach the site of ancient Troas, take highway E87/550 to Ezine. In Ezine turn west onto the road marked for Geyikli and Odunluk Iskelesi. In Geyikli turn south toward Odunluk Iskelesi. The ruins of Alexandria Troas are by the highway that continues south to Gülpinar. Troas was founded circa 310 B.C.E. by Antigonus I Monopthalmus (“the One-Eyed”), one of the successors of Alexander the Great. Antigonus created the new city by forcing the residents of several smaller neighboring towns and communities to move to the new location. Antigonus named the new settlement after himself, giving it the name Antigonia. When Antigonus was killed in 301 by the Macedonian king Lysimachus at the battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, Lysimachus took control of the city and renamed it Alexandria in honor of Alexander the Great. Because of its proximity to Troy, the city became known as Alexandria Troas. With its artificial harbor, the city grew as a commercial and transportation center, becoming the leading city of the Troad during Hellenistic times. Eventually Troas developed into one of the most important cities in the Greco-Roman world due to its command of the western entrance to the Hellespont. Claims were made in the ancient world that Julius Caesar considered moving the capital of the empire to Troas, as also reportedly did Augustus (and, even later, Constantine). Whether true or not, that such ideas circulated in the Roman era and were believed by some people indicates the importance of the city.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Deaa Al-Deen Amjad Qtaishat ◽  
Abd Al Azez Hdoush ◽  
Eng. Loiy Qasim Alzu’Bi

The aim of this study is to analyze the structure of the road network in As-Salt City in the period between 2004 and 2016, in order to identify the road employability in terms of the degree of connectivity, rotation, accessibility, and density. The relationship between the social properties and road distribution are also examined through analysis of the network characteristics concerning population distribution. The data used in this study was based on the As-Salt City Municipality Database supported with fieldwork done in 2016. The network analysis approach using GIS was used to calculate the roads employability. The study compares between the results of the analysis using the cognitive model of the road network for the years 2004 and 2016, knowing that the number of nodes in 2004 and 2016 was constant indicating the number of neighborhoods is 20, while the number of links changed from 42 links in 2004 to 50 links in 2016 and the average center of roads was determined, and it was estimated that the average road center is located near the municipality of As-Salt The study indicates that the road network suffers from a low degree of communication and rotation and the standard distance of road sites in the study area. The standard distance for each group was 2338.49 m. There is a disparity in the distribution of road network within As-Salt City, and the proportion of roads lengths dose not suit the population distribution pattern. The neighborhood of Al- Salalem, includes 19.5% of the total number of roads in As-Salt, because the neighborhood of Al-Salalem contains the highest population census and this is accompanied by urban growth, which is necessarily accompanied by the presence of roads. Therefore, it is recommended to have a plan to redistribute the population in the city and to establish new roads to reduce the problems of traffic in the city.


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-195
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Carvallo-Ochoa

Históricamente, la casa se ha constituido como el espacio fundamental que permite la realización de las actividades domésticas, la interrelación familiar y el desarrollo y afianzamiento del yo personal. Diversos autores concuerdan que durante el siglo XX suceden las mayores alteraciones en las estructuras sociales, entornos de ciudades y en la vivienda y sus espacios (Cañar & Torres, 2018); convirtiéndose esta, en el laboratorio de experimentación teórico y de aplicación práctica de los modernos estilos de vida (Añón, 2013). En el Ecuador, las transformaciones sociales, económicas y políticas de inicios de siglo, se dieron paralelamente a las transformaciones tecnológicas y energéticas, las cuales con mayor o menor demora llegaban a Cuenca. La presente investigación plantea estudiar la modernización de la casa burguesa en Cuenca, a partir de la identificación y análisis de las estrategias proyectuales aplicadas, en la casa Peña (1954) y la casa Vázquez (1962), por el Arq. Cesar Burbano Moscoso. Estas viviendas se caracterizaron por la innovación y búsqueda de una nueva manera de habitar, asumiendo los cambios que la ciudad exigió a mediados del siglo XX. En los dos casos se evidencia como la tipología tradicional de casa con patio interior, organizada centralmente y alineada y conectada a la calzada, se invierte y muta en una tipología radicalmente contraria, compuesta por construcciones aisladas y retiradas de la calle, modificando así las relaciones, internas de la casa y con la ciudad. El estudio explora procesos arquitectónicos, enfocando el interés en reconocer criterios y valores que provienen de las obras, así como elementos arquitectónicos y urbanos de un momento particular de la arquitectura cuencana. Palabras clave: Arquitectura moderna, vivienda moderna, transformaciones del espacio doméstico, Cesar Burbano Moscoso, Cuenca-Ecuador. AbstractHistorically, the house has been constituted as the fundamental space that allows the realization of domestic activities, family interrelationship and the development and strengthening of the personal self. Several authors agree that during the twentieth century the greatest alterations in social structures, city environments and housing and its spaces took place (Cañar & Torres, 2018); becoming the laboratory of theoretical experimentation and practical application of modern lifestyles (Añón, 2013). In Ecuador, the social, economic and political transformations at the beginning of the century were parallel to the technological and energy transformations, which with greater or lesser delay reached Cuenca. This research proposes to study the modernization of the bourgeois house in Cuenca, based on the identification and analysis of the applied project strategies, in the Peña House (1954) and the Vázquez House (1962), by the architect Cesar Burbano Moscoso. These houses have been characterized by innovation and the search for a new way of living, assuming the changes  that the city demanded in the mid-twentieth century. In both cases it is evident how the traditional typology of a house with an interior patio, centrally organized, aligned and connected to the road, is inverted and transformed into a radically opposite typology, composedof isolated structures and withdrawn from the street, thus modifying the internal relations to the house and with the city. The study explored architectural processes, approaching the interest in recognizing criteria and values that come from the works, as well as architectural and urban elements of a particular moment of Cuenca architecture. Keywords: Modern architecture, modern housing, transformations of domestic space, Cesar Burbano Moscoso, Cuenca-Ecuador


Author(s):  
Clyde E. Fant ◽  
Mitchell G. Reddish

Ancient Laodicea, once a thriving city, now lies in ruins, awaiting a more thorough excavation than it has so far received. Overshadowed by the more spectacular nearby site of Hierapolis (Pamukkale), Laodicea receives the occasional busload of tourists who stop to view the remains of this city that the book of Revelation imagined as having boasted, “I am rich, I have prospered, and I need nothing” (3:17). Laodicea is south of the modern village of Goncalï and north of the village of Eskihisar. The site is located on a plateau between two small rivers that are tributaries of the Lycus River. The Asopus River runs along the western part of the ancient city, while the Caprus River runs along the east. To visit the site, take the road from Denizli that leads to Pamukkale. Two different roads from the Denizli-Pamukkale highway lead to Laodicea, both of which are on the left and marked with a sign indicating the way to Laodicea. Laodicea is situated 10 miles from Colossae and 6 miles from Hierapolis. This area was a part of the region of Phrygia, although it was sometimes considered a part of Lydia or Caria. Pliny the Elder claims that Laodicea was built on the site of an earlier settlement known as Diospolis and later as Rhoas (Natural History 5.105). Because of its location near the Lycus River, the city was known as Laodicea ad Lycum in order to differentiate it from several other cities named Laodicea. Of particular importance to the commercial success of the city was its position at the junction of two roads—one that ran from the Aegean coast near Ephesus through the Meander River valley and on to the Euphrates, and another that ran from Pergamum to Sardis and then to Perga and Attalia (modern Antalya). Antiochus II, the Seleucid king (r. 261–246 B.C.E.), founded the city during the middle of the 3rd century B.C.E. He named the city in honor of his wife Laodice, whom he later divorced. After the Romans, with the aid of the Pergamene kingdom, defeated Antiochus III at Magnesia in 189 B.C.E., Laodicea came under the control of Pergamum.


Author(s):  
Clyde E. Fant ◽  
Mitchell G. Reddish

In 315 B.C.E. Cassander, king of Macedonia, once a general in the army of Alexander the Great, founded a new city in his kingdom. He named it for his wife, Thessalonike, daughter of Philip II of Macedon and the half sister of Alexander. In the centuries that followed, Thessalonica became the premier city of northern Greece, enduring and flourishing under Hellenistic, Roman, and Greek control. Many famous figures in world history played important roles throughout its lengthy and colorful existence, including Alexander the Great, Cleopatra, Cicero, Pompey, and Sulëyman I the Magnificent, among others. But no resident or visitor to Thessalonica had a greater influence on the city than an obscure Christian missionary who visited there in the first century, Paul of Tarsus. The first New Testament writing is believed to be Paul’s First Letter to the Thessalonians. Modern Thessaloniki (biblical Thessalonica), second only to Athens among the cities of Greece, is easily reached by automobile or by frequent flights from Athens. Although its ancient ruins and monuments are overshadowed by those of Athens, this city is well worth visiting for its fine archaeological museum and as a point of departure for the spectacular Royal Tombs at Vergina, home to the amazing riches of the family of Alexander the Great. Increasingly, more of ancient Thessalonica is being unearthed by archaeologists and made available to public view. According to Strabo, Thessalonica was established at the site of ancient Therme and formed from the incorporation of twenty-five smaller villages. The ancient city was laid out according to the Hippodamian plan, that is, in rectangular blocks. Its development was encouraged by its fine port and, during the Roman period, by being made the capital of Macedonia. When the Romans connected the Via Egnatia, the historic road linking east and west, to Thessalonica, the city prospered even more. The Roman orator Cicero was exiled in Thessalonica (58–57 B.C.E.) and wrote to his friend Atticus on July 21, 57 B.C.E., that he had delayed leaving the city “owing to the constant traffic along the road” (the Via Egnatia; M. Tullius Cicero, Letters 69).


Author(s):  
Guillermo Algaze ◽  
Timothy Matney

This article discusses findings from excavations at Titriş Höyük. At the time of its foundation as an urban center in the Middle Early Bronze Age, Titriş Höyük possessed the combined advantages of locally available timber, multiple perennial water sources and associated year-round cultivable floodplains suited to garden crops, and broad, rain-fed arable tracts suited to grain cultivation. Additionally, the site was surrounded by gentle limestone hills well suited to viticulture and livestock grazing. However, this benign framework provided a necessary but not sufficient condition for the development of the site. The sufficient condition was the city's location along the road to the Samsat ford, which made it a natural arbiter of a portion of long-distance east–west trade across the northern fringes of “Greater Mesopotamia” in the third millennium—a fact attested by the number and variety of imports found in excavated mortuary and domestic contexts across the city.


2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilary Silver

Despite its highly visible physical reunification, Berlin has social fault lines that seriously challenge the city?s integration. This article reviews the multiple cleavages that crisscross Berlin?s social fabric and assesses whether and how these divides are being bridged. East-West, neighborhood, religious, national/ethnic, and socioeconomic fractures remain wide. Even the social construction of the city?s history and the embedding of collective memory in the built environment are occasions for division. Hopeful signs of increasing social integration, however, are found in the new memorials, creative multicultural forms, vibrant and diverse immigrant neighborhoods, ethnic intermarriage, and other indicators. Under conditions of severe fiscal crisis, policies such as housing renovation, the Social City Program, local nonprofit labor market initiatives, and expanded language instruction are among the deliberate attempts to promote social integration in the "New" Berlin.


Author(s):  
Simon James

Since Syria’s descent into civil and proxy war of appalling savagery, like so much of its living infrastructure and cultural heritage, Dura has been devastated. Initially, in 2012, the expedition house was systematically looted and stripped of everything including doors and window frames. Satellite imagery shows that then, at some time between July 2012 and April 2014, a campaign of systematic looting of the unexcavated portions of the city interior and the adjacent necropolis was undertaken, on an industrial scale. The result was hundreds of huge holes all over the city, which at first glance looks like it has been subjected to intensive artillery bombardment—except that the holes do not impinge on the road lines, kept clear to allow vehicles in and out. The destruction is so devastating that it is no exaggeration to call it the second destruction of Dura-Europos. And if it did not involve the slaughter which accompanied the first destruction of the city c.256, it seems this new onslaught was not bloodless. The region found itself in the midst of Daesh’s self-proclaimed territorial ‘Caliphate’, and it has been reported that, on taking control of the ancient city and surrounding villages, they murdered the site guardian to make clear who was now in charge. Most of the looting comprised a highly organized professional criminal enterprise requiring a major, sustained logistics effort; at its height in 2014 up to 400 people were involved, using mechanical excavators and metal detectors, concentrating especially on easily saleable coins. It was sanctioned by Daesh, which reportedly took 60 per cent of the proceeds from sales on the illicit antiquities market to fund their war (Brodie and Isber 2018, 77–9). In part, the looting was likely conducted by local people, under direct duress from Daesh or others, or simply finding themselves desperate to feed their families in dangerous times. In such circumstances, whether in the second, third, or twenty-first centuries, people do what they can, and do what they must, to survive.


Author(s):  
Ruslan M. Zhitin

We analyze the formation of library collections estates of Tambov Governorate in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The relevance of the chosen problem is determined by the importance of updating knowledge about the library and estate culture of the Russian province. The novelty of the work lies in the formation of new conclusions about the problem of development and fate of libraries of individual owners, the importance of manor collections for the information environment of the post-reform period, the introduction of new data on the book collections of Tambov owners. It is shown that due to the lack of reliable information about the pre-revolutionary collections of individual owners verification of the appearance history of individual publications in the estates occurs on fragmentary data. Therefore, the most promising form of book culture study is the work on the systematization of the region collections, the creation of new and additions to existing collections of Tambov books. We study book collection of Karaulskoye estate of Chicherins, the Pavlovskoye manor of Volkonsky, analyze the literature composition of the library of Glazkovo estate of Mansurov family, book collection of Sosnovskoye estate of Benckendorff, reveal the joint books library of Leonid Vasilievich Voeikov and Dmitriy Vasilievich Polenov in Naryshkinskaya library of the city of Tambov. It is proved that in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century in the governorate was created a number of interesting books collections reflecting the unique documents on the history of Russia and foreign countries, the unique literature of foreign publishers. On the basis of a number of noble book collections were created public libraries, which greatly contributed to the development of public education. For some owners, the gathered collections were a source of knowledge in the social and economic modernization of the estate, allowing them to actively develop their households.


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