The Alevi and questions of identity, including violence and insider/outsider perspectives

Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat (‘exaggerated’, ‘extremist’) and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi’ism. Still, the degrading abel kızılbaş (‘red-head’) is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma’il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet’s blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed’s struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi’ites and over time a symbol of Shi’ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi’ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

Coevolution

10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0003 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Avi Max Spiegel

Keyword(s):

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

Over Time ◽

Islamist Movements

This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.

Arguments used by proponents and opponents in Brazil’s regulatory discussions of e-cigarettes and heated tobacco products

Tobacco Control ◽

10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2021-056628 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. tobaccocontrol-2021-056628

Author(s):

Mônica Nunes-Rubinstein ◽

Teresa Leão

Keyword(s):

Public Health ◽

Content Analysis ◽

Cigarette Smoking ◽

Health Risks ◽

Regulatory Agency ◽

Economic Consequences ◽

The Other ◽

Tobacco Products ◽

The Right ◽

ObjectivesTo identify proponents and opponents of the commercialisation and marketing of e-cigarettes and heated tobacco products (HTPs), identify the arguments used on both sides and compare how the arguments have changed over time, we analysed three policy discussions occurring in 2009, 2018 and 2019.MethodsWe conducted a content analysis of one document and six videos from these discussions, provided on the Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency website, or upon request.ResultsThe arguments most used by tobacco companies were related to claims that the use of e-cigarettes and HTPs is less harmful than conventional tobacco. Unions that support its commercialisation also argued that lifting the ban would prevent smuggling and guarantee their quality. On the other side, universities, medical and anti-tobacco institutions argued that such devices may have health risks, including the risk of inducing cigarette smoking. In 2009, most arguments belonged to the ‘health’ theme, while in 2018 and 2019 economic arguments and those related to morals and ethics were frequently used.ConclusionsThose that supported the commercialisation and marketing of e-cigarettes and HTPs first focused on arguments of harm reduction, while 10 years later the right to access and potential economic consequences also became common. Public health agents and academics must gather evidence to effectively respond to these arguments and discuss these policies, and must prepare themselves to use and respond to arguments related to moral and economic themes.

Introduction

10.1332/policypress/9781529212204.003.0001 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-18

Author(s):

Charles Devellennes

Keyword(s):

News Media ◽

State Violence ◽

The Political ◽

Political Leaders ◽

The Social ◽

Fundamental Challenge ◽

New Type ◽

The Right ◽

This chapter gives introduces the gilet jaunes. The gilets jaunes, a group of French protesters named after their iconic yellow vests donned during demonstrations, have formed a new type of social movement. The gilets jaunes have been variously interpreted since they began their occupation of French roundabouts. They were at first received with enthusiasm on the right of the French political establishment, and with caution on the left. The fourth weekend saw scenes of violence erupt on the Champs Élysées, notably around and within the Arc de Triomphe, which towers over the first roundabout built in France. The headlines of newspapers and stories of the news media became almost exclusively focused on the violence of the protests. Images of state violence became ever-present on Twitter and independent media outlets, making it clear that it was the use of disproportionate force by police units that was at the centre of the events. The chapter explains that the aim of the book is to show that the use of violence is not the only tale to be told about the role of the protesters in the contemporary French context. Their contribution to the political landscape of France is quite different. They have provided a fundamental challenge to the social contract in France, the implicit pact between the governed and their political leaders. The movement has seen the numbers of participants diminish over time, but the underlying tension between the haves and the have-nots, the winners of globalization and those at risk of déclassement [social downgrading], are enduring and persistent.

Part II Commentaries to Typical Sofa Rules, 20 Jurisdiction

10.1093/law/9780198808404.003.0020 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Conderman Paul J ◽

Sari Aurel

Keyword(s):

Regulatory Authority ◽

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

Exclusive Jurisdiction ◽

Vital Interest ◽

This chapter concerns the exercise of jurisdiction over Visiting Forces. Here, Sending States and Receiving States rely on competing jurisdictional principles, the territorial principle, and that of service jurisdiction, in order to claim the right to exercise their regulatory authority over Visiting Forces. Neither principle can be allowed to triumph over the other without denying a legitimate and vital interest of one of the parties. This is why agreements providing for the exercise of exclusive jurisdiction are rare. The vast majority of status-of-forces agreements (SOFAs) strike some balance between these competing principles and interests, influenced by the political, legal, and operational context of the deployment.

The Other T. H. Marshall

Journal of Social Policy ◽

10.1017/s0047279400025150 ◽

1995 ◽

Vol 24 (3) ◽

pp. 341-362 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

A. M. Rees

Keyword(s):

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

Social Rights ◽

Current Interest ◽

Capitalist Class ◽

Class System ◽

The Right ◽

Right To Welfare ◽

National Membership ◽

The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis article argues that the writings of T. H. Marshall contain not one, but two, theories of citizenship, and there is a problem about whether they are compatible with one another. The second, less familiar, theory is mainly developed in Marshall's later works, especially The Right to Welfare, but many of its essential features can be found in Citizenship and Social Class, although not in the sections of that work which are most frequently quoted. Several areas where Marshall's shifting views contributed to this second version of citizenship are discussed: citizenship as national membership and as a body of obligations, the reality of social rights, discretion versus enforceable entitlements, citizenship as a bearer of its own inequalities, the relationship with the capitalist class system. Increasingly, Marshall came to restrict citizenship to the political sphere, thereby endorsing a conventional liberal view: but then he was, it is argued, in many respects a pretty conventional liberal. The article concludes by noting the paradox that much of the current interest in Marshall's thought is because a ‘strong’ view of citizenship is attributed to him which he may never have held, and which he certainly relinquished towards the end of his writing career.

Le mouvement pentecôtiste chilien et la politique

Social Compass ◽

10.1177/003776867802500106 ◽

1978 ◽

Vol 25 (1) ◽

pp. 55-80 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Johannes Tennekes ◽

M. Fl. Jacques

Keyword(s):

Political Orientation ◽

The Other ◽

Political Life ◽

Large Majority ◽

The Political ◽

Present System ◽

Political Struggle ◽

The Past ◽

Common Position ◽

This article is an interpretation of the principal results of a survey conducted in 1971 and 1973, regarding the attitude of chilean Pentecostals towards the political life of their country. On the basis of this study it appears that during Allende's period there was a big difference in the political sympathies between the Pentecostal leaders — mainly oriented towards the right — and the mass of the Pentecostal faith ful — who in a large majority entertained sympathies for the left. In spite of this difference in political orientation, the leaders and the other Pentecostals joined in a common position of condemnation of active participation in the political struggle fought at that time, and in general they adopted an attitude of reserve in regard to anything concerning politics. This lign of conduct was not only caused by a concern about dissension in the ecclesial community, but it was also motivated by the idea that politics, as it existed before the coup of 1973, was morally reprehensible. If this background is taken into account, there should be not too much attention paid to the manifestations of support of the present system of government expressed by many Pentecostal leaders in the past few years. It is improbable that these manifestations reflect the feelings of the mass of the Pentecostal believers.

Ambedkar’s Journey of Conversion to Buddhism

Contemporary Voice of Dalit ◽

10.1177/2455328x19825959 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 11 (2) ◽

pp. 107-118

Author(s):

Sanjeev Kumar

Keyword(s):

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

World Views ◽

Religious Conversions ◽

Hindu Religion ◽

The Social ◽

History Of ◽

The history of religious conversions has highlighted two aspects. One is the transformation in one’s spiritual and transcendental realm and the other is the social and the political domain that encompasses a sense of rejection of existing religious and philosophical world views as well as assertion of one’s political outlook. In this context, this article explores the contours of one of the most important political thinkers of modern India, that is, B. R. Ambedkar who embraced Buddhism after 40 years of his experiment with the Hindu religion. This article is divided into two parts; the first deals with Ambedkar’s engagement with Hinduism with a hope of reforming the same but having failed in his attempt for 20 years, he declared to leave the religion in 1936. The second part deals with Ambedkar’s both explicit and implicit deliberations for selecting the right noble faith, that is, Buddhism whose foundation was egalitarianism, based on equality and compassion. He used Deweyian experimentalism and Buddhist rationalism, to reject Hinduism and seek refuge in the reformed Buddhism, that is, Navayana Buddhism.

Ambedkar’s Journey of Conversion to Buddhism

Contemporary Voice of Dalit ◽

10.1177/2455328x18825959 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 2455328X1882595

Author(s):

Sanjeev Kumar

Keyword(s):

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

World Views ◽

Religious Conversions ◽

Hindu Religion ◽

The Social ◽

History Of ◽

Labouring for Kashmir’s azadi: Ongoing violence and resistance in Maisuma, Srinagar

Contributions to Indian Sociology ◽

10.1177/0069966719890525 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 54 (1) ◽

pp. 27-50

Author(s):

Sarbani Sharma

Keyword(s):

Working Class ◽

Everyday Life ◽

Central Area ◽

The Other ◽

Self Determination ◽

The Political ◽

Political Movement ◽

The One ◽

The Right ◽

The City

While much has been said about the historicity of the Kashmir conflict or about how individuals and communities have resisted occupation and demanded the right to self-determination, much less has been said about nature of everyday life under these conditions. This article offers a glimpse of life in the working-class neighbourhood of Maisuma, located in the central area of the city of Srinagar, and its engagement with the political movement for azadi (freedom). I argue that the predicament of ‘double interminability’ characterises life in Maisuma—the interminable violence by the state on the one hand and simultaneously the constant call of labouring for azadi by the movement on the other, since the terms of peace are unacceptable.

Legitimacy and Power in the Soviet Union Through Socialist Ritual

British Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0007123400003537 ◽

1984 ◽

Vol 14 (2) ◽

pp. 207-217 ◽

Cited By ~ 9

Author(s):

Christel Lane

Keyword(s):

Soviet Union ◽

Political System ◽

Political Legitimacy ◽

The Political ◽

Political Elites ◽

Theoretical Argument ◽

Change Over Time ◽

The Soviet Union ◽

The Right ◽

Every political system must secure compliance with its commands on the part of the ruled; the methods applied to achieve this vary from society to society and within societies over time. One way of gaining compliance is for political elites to establish the legitimacy of the political system, of their position within it, and of the commands that are issued. Political power can be said to be legitimate when, in the words of Sternberger, it is exercised both with a consciousness on the part of the elite that it has a right to govern and with some recognition by the ruled of that right. Both this consciousness of the right to govern and its acknowledgement by the ruled is derived from some source of authorization which may change over time. This paper will focus on the conscious attempts of Soviet political elites from the early sixties onwards to change their strategy of gaining compliance by reducing reliance on coercion and strengthening political legitimacy. It will draw attention to their efforts to develop a new source of authorization and to employ a new legitimation procedure. In developing the theoretical argument the Weberian typology of legitimate rule will be employed, and this approach to the topic will be contrasted with that adopted by T. H. Rigby in two recent publications.