scholarly journals Two Days of the “Six Day War”

2019 ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shubin

The article is based on the information of the author, who as officer of the 10th Main Directorate of the Soviet General Staff spent two days in Egypt during the Six Day War between Israel and the Arab states. It briefly analyzes the history of Moscow’s relations with Cairo after the 1952 revolution, particularly in the military field, and notes that the Soviet military leadership overestimated the combat capability of the Armed Forces of the United Arab Republic, as the Arab Republic of Egypt was then called. Although by June 1967 the situation in the Middle East was rather tense, the war was not expected by Moscow on the day Israel attacked Egypt, and its quick success, especially the defeat of the Egyptian Air Force, was a shock to Cairo and Moscow. The article describes the situation in Cairo on June 9 and 10, the Egyptians’ reaction to the resignation of President Gamal Abdel Nasser; speaks of the negative attitude of the “Arab street” to the Russians, which arose in those days, primarily because of the false information of the Egyptian authorities, who argued that unlike the USSR, the United States and Great Britain took part in the war by bombing objects in Egypt.

Author(s):  
Pavlo Prokhovnyk

The article analyzes the history of the development of military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and NATO as one of the defining areas of international military partnership. Taking into account specific historical circumstances and external aggression by the Russian Federation, the importance of Ukraine’s military-technical cooperation with partner countries for the implementation of political goals and objectives of the state for the development of defense industry and national security is emphasized. Ukraine faced new types of threats in all spheres of the state’s life, in the military in particular, which required active assistance from partner countries. The realities of the hybrid war, which has targeted our country, require new approaches to ensuring the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, including by strengthening military partnerships with the European Union and the United States. In modern geopolitical, socio-economic, international legal, military-political conditions, the nature, forms and directions of Ukraine’s military partnership need to be rethought and clarified. Today, Ukraine’s military cooperation with NATO is of a strategic nature, the tasks of which can be grouped into four key areas: maintaining military-political dialogue; assistance in reforming and developing the Armed Forces of Ukraine; ensuring contribution to international security and peacekeeping; defense and technical cooperation. As a result of this study, NATO membership will open new opportunities for Ukraine’s competitive defense industries and lay the foundation for military-technical cooperation at the international level. In this context, the myth that Ukraine’s accession to NATO will involve the collapse of Ukraine’s defense industry through the introduction of new NATO military standards, requirements for rearmament for our army is completely eliminated.


This year's first issue focuses on military knowledge in a contemporary security setting. The autumn of 2017 marked the beginning of the General Staff Course of Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) members. This was the eighth generation of the General Staff Course in the history of the Slovenian Armed Forces and independent Slovenia. After the students completed their training in the beginning of October 2018 with a ceremony held at the Military Schools Centre, some of them decided to publish an article in the Contemporary Military Challenges.


2019 ◽  
pp. 74-103
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

After Hosni Mubarak stepped down, Egypt was ruled by the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). During this time, a new form of antimilitarist activism emerged for the first time in Egyptian history. Of the three waves of antigovernment uprisings, this one was perhaps the most revolutionary: the goal was not to topple a single person or to hold elections but rather to dismantle the entrenched power of the armed forces. This chapter offers insights into these groups that fall in between the Muslim Brotherhood/military dichotomy. Many of these groups were led by women. After Mubarak was ousted, certain private companies celebrated the revolution in their advertising, but opposition to the SCAF was never commercialized. Despite egregious human rights abuses committed under the SCAF, neither the business elite nor the United States ever withdrew support from the military junta. However, the SCAF did lose popular support, evidenced when mass protests emerged in July during the Tahrir sit-in, and then again during the Battle of Mohamed Mahmoud in November–December 2011.


Author(s):  
Seongji Woo

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has long remained a hermit socialist nation. The North Korean leaders have endeavored to build a strong military with a large manpower and nuclear weapons capabilities even though some of its military gear is outmoded. The dictatorship in Pyongyang has used the ever-present threats from external hostile forces as well as potential domestic enemies as a rationale for beefing up its armed forces. The origin of the North Korean military dates back to Kim Il-sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle in the 1930s. Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un, his successors, have continued to improve the country’s nuclear and missile programs with vigor, even at the expense of a failing economy. Kim Jong-un has been bargaining with the United States over the scaling down of his nuclear and missile programs while hinting at major economic reform and opening up projects to revive the economy. Whether Pyongyang is genuine about denuclearization in exchange for international economic support and security guarantees remains unclear. North Korea has a highly militarized regime and, thus, some have referred to it as a garrison state or a fortress state. Its posture to the outside world is oftentimes militant and abrasive. The regime in Pyongyang invaded its southern neighbor in a fratricidal war in the early 1950s. The history of inter-Korean relations since then has been marred by repetitive currents of feuds and crises, many of which have been inflamed by the North. The North Korean military holds a firm place in society. Over its history, North Korea’s Supreme Leader, along with the Korean Workers’ Party, has maintained tight control over the military. The leader’s firm control of the armed forces is likely to persist for the time being.


Author(s):  
S. A. Savik

The article is devoted to the history of foundation, formation and development of Command and Staff Department at the Military Academy of the Republic of Belarus for training tactical level officers during 1995–2015. It is noted that the need of creation of the Belarusian Military academy for preparation of national military cadres with higher military education was caused by both economic and political reasons. In May 1995, according to the Presidential decree of the Republic of Belarus, the Military academy of the Republic of Belarus was created. Along with creation of Military academy the Command and Staff Department for training of operational-tactical level officers with the higher military education is organized in its structure. After the Military academy was created preparation of officer ranks within its walls (1995–2015) developed and improved constantly. Opening in structure of the Military academy of the General Staff Department of Armed Forces (2006) has finished creation of a full cycle of the Belarusian higher military school in the national system of military education. The author draws the conclusion that the created national military school in Belarus provides training for officers and it is a source of pride, an example of the successful decision made using its own resources to get around the problems that Belarus can face in the way of upholding of the sovereignty and independence.


Author(s):  
Danylo Kravets

The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 12-47
Author(s):  
Yinan Li

The development of the PRC’s armed forces included three phases when their modernization was carried out through an active introduction of foreign weapons and technologies. The first and the last of these phases (from 1949 to 1961, and from 1992 till present) received wide attention in both Chinese and Western academic literature, whereas the second one — from 1978 to 1989 —when the PRC actively purchased weapons and technologies from the Western countries remains somewhat understudied. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap. The author examines the logic of the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States in the context of complex interactions within the United States — the USSR — China strategic triangle in the last years of the Cold War. The first section covers early contacts between the PRC and the United States in the security field — from the visit of R. Nixon to China till the inauguration of R. Reagan. The author shows that during this period Washington clearly subordinated the US-Chinese cooperation to the development of the US-Soviet relations out of fear to damage the fragile process of detente. The second section focuses on the evolution of the R. Reagan administration’s approaches regarding arms sales to China in the context of a new round of the Cold War. The Soviet factor significantly influenced the development of the US-Chinese military-technical cooperation during that period, which for both parties acquired not only practical, but, most importantly, political importance. It was their mutual desire to undermine strategic positions of the USSR that allowed these two countries to overcome successfully tensions over the US arms sales to Taiwan. However, this dependence of the US-China military-technical cooperation on the Soviet factor had its downside. As the third section shows, with the Soviet threat fading away, the main incentives for the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States also disappeared. As a result, after the Tiananmen Square protests, this cooperation completely ceased. Thus, the author concludes that the US arms sales to China from the very beginning were conditioned by the dynamics of the Soviet-American relations and Beijing’s willingness to play an active role in the policy of containment. In that regard, the very fact of the US arms sales to China was more important than its practical effect, i.e. this cooperation was of political nature, rather than military one.


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