scholarly journals Activities of the Asian Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in coordination of the Russian Balkan policy (first half of the 19th century)

Author(s):  
Elena P. Kudryavtseva ◽  

The study is devoted to the activities of the Asian Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs that served as a curator of the Russia-Balkans relations in the first half of the 19th century. The Asian Department (set up in 1819) was in charge of the diplomatic, economic, cultural and church relations of Russia with the countries of the «East», and, above all, with the Ottoman Empire. Relations with the Orthodox Balkan nations - Serbs, Bulgarians and Montenegrins – remained traditionally close. This department supervised the policies related to the Balkan region, developed instructions for Russian envoys in Constantinople and Athens, stored consular reports from all over the Balkan region, and, as a result, elaborated approach of the Russian government in relations with Turkey.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Esther Zyskina

The paper considers is the transformation of the image of the Ottoman Empire in the publicistic texts by Ephraim Deinard, outstand ing Jewish writer and journalist of the turn of the 19th and 20th centu ries. The research was based on two Deinard’s works, “Atidot Israel” (“The Future of Israel”, 1892) and “Tzion be’ad mi?” (“Zion for Whom?”, 1918), which deal with a variety of topics, including Deinard’s opinion on the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the radical change of his position from the statements in “Atidot Israel” to those in “Tzion be’ad mi?” is observed. Deinard discusses the following three aspects, each case being a vivid example of this controversy: 1. The Ottoman government’s attitude towards Jews and the pros pects of the collaboration of the Jewish community with the government; 2. The economic situation in the Ottoman Empire and its foreign policy; 3. The culture and cultural policy in the Ottoman Empire. Deinard’s interest in Turkey was initially caused by his Zionist views, as the Land of Israel was part of the Ottoman Empire. Later, after World War I and especially after the Balfour Declaration in 1917, the Zionists placed their expectations on Britain, while Turkey, after losing the war and the territory so important for Jews, could no more be praised by Dei nard. In addition, Deinard had lived in the USA for more than 30 years by 1918, and it is merely logical that his publicistic works were aimed against the USA’s enemy in World War I. This shift looks especially interesting when looked at through the context of the history of the Russian Jewish Enlightenment. A very simi lar process occurred in the ideology of the Russian maskilim in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th century, they believed that the Jews should be integrated in the Russian society and viewed the Russian government as their ally. The Russian authorities, correspondingly, tried to assimilate the Jews and to make them an integral part of the society. However, af ter the pogroms of 1880s, the authorities’ attitude towards Jews changed dramatically, and so did that of the maskilim towards the government. Laws regarding Jews were tightened and became openly anti-Semitic, and the maskilim started to criticize the state instead of hoping for col laboration with it. Deinard’s works used for this research date to a later period. More over, the aforementioned events influenced his positive attitude towards the Ottoman Empire: concerning the status of Jews in the both countries, Deinard opposed Turkey to Russia. Eventually, however, Turkey took the same place for Deinard as Russia did for his predecessors, the maskilim. His hopes for collaboration with the state were just as replaced by disap pointment and criticism. To conclude, the above similarity may suggest that the shift in Dein ard’s views might have correlated with the change in the ideology of the Russian maskilim.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (11) ◽  
pp. 91-96
Author(s):  
Gulnara Sadraddinova

At the beginning of the 19th century, under the influence of the French bourgeois revolution and nationalist ideas, the Greeks revolted to secede from the Ottoman Empire and gain independence. It was no coincidence that the main members of the Filiki Etheriya Society, which led the uprising, as well as its secret leaders were Greeks who served the Russian government. Russia, which wanted to break up the Ottoman Empire and gain a foothold in the seas, had been embroiled in various conflicts with the Austrian alliance since the 18th century, before the uprising. Russia, which managed to isolate the Ottoman Empire from the West through the Greek uprising, also acquired large tracts of land through the Edirne Peace Treaty, which was signed as a result of the Russo-Turkish War. However, although Britain, France, Austria, and Prussia agreed with Russia on granting autonomy to Greece, they did not intend to transfer control of the newly formed state to Russia. The revolt of the Greeks against the Ottoman Empire in 1821-1830 resulted in the victory of the Greeks. The revolt was organized and intensified with the help of great powers. The article discusses Greece's independence as a result of the uprising. In this regard, the London Protocol of April 3, 1830, signed by Russia, France and England, is of special importance. The newly established Greek state was revived as the Aegean state. Greece's borders have become clearer. The article also deals with the redefinition of the Ottoman-Greek borders by the Treaty of Constantinople of 1832. Although the London Protocol of 1830 formally established the Greek state, the Great Powers and the Greeks were not content with that. Russia, as during the uprising, remained a state that influenced the "Eastern policy" of European states after the uprising. This study was dedicated to all these factors.


Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 256-281
Author(s):  
E.M. Kopot`

The article brings up an obscure episode in the rivalry of the Orthodox and Melkite communities in Syria in the late 19th century. In order to strengthen their superiority over the Orthodox, the Uniates attempted to seize the church of St. George in Izraa, one of the oldest Christian temples in the region. To the Orthodox community it presented a threat coming from a wealthier enemy backed up by the See of Rome and the French embassy. The only ally the Antioch Patriarchate could lean on for support in the fight for its identity was the Russian Empire, a traditional protector of the Orthodox Arabs in the Middle East. The documents from the Foreign Affairs Archive of the Russian Empire, introduced to the scientific usage for the first time, present a unique opportunity to delve into the history of this conflict involving the higher officials of the Ottoman Empire as well as the Russian embassy in ConstantinopleВ статье рассматривается малоизвестный эпизод соперничества православной и Мелкитской общин в Сирии в конце XIX века. Чтобы укрепить свое превосходство над православными, униаты предприняли попытку захватить церковь Святого Георгия в Израа, один из старейших христианских храмов в регионе. Для православной общины он представлял угрозу, исходящую от более богатого врага, поддерживаемого Римским престолом и французским посольством. Единственным союзником, на которого Антиохийский патриархат мог опереться в борьбе за свою идентичность, была Российская Империя, традиционный защитник православных арабов на Ближнем Востоке. Документы из архива иностранных дел Российской Империи, введены в научный оборот впервые, уникальная возможность углубиться в историю этого конфликта с участием высших должностных лиц в Османской империи, а также российского посольства в Константинополе.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (41) ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Munir Drkić ◽  
Ahmed Zildžić

This paper aims to examine the work entitled Taʻlīm-i fārisī in the context of the Ottoman tradition of the grammatical study of the Persian language. Taʻlīm-i fārisī, most likely penned by Kemal-pasha, is a short yet exceedingly significant primer for Persian language students dated in the middle of the 19th century. After a brief overview of the Persian grammar studies in the Ottoman Empire, the authors present the work and its author and conduct an analysis of the content of Taʻlīm-i fārisī. In terms of its underlying methodology, this work stands halfway between two principal tendencies: one is the traditional approach to studying the Persian language in the Ottoman Empire; another is a new approach developed under the influence of grammatical description of European languages. This paradigm shift in the Persian language's grammatical description within the Ottoman Empire is readily observable in the primer under review.


2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-549
Author(s):  
V. Necla Geyikdagi

“Jack of all trades” Ahmed Midhat Efendi, one of the most famous and popular Ottoman writers of the 19th century, ranged widely in his subject matter, which included economics. Although he was criticized for not having a proper education in the field, his independent thinking made him the most important critic of the laissez-faire system that prevailed in the Ottoman Empire. He disapproved of the liberalism transferred from the West in a normative framework.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-105
Author(s):  
Boris V. Nosov ◽  
Lyudmila P. Marney

The article is devoted to the problems of the regional policy of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 19th century discussed in the latest Russian historiography, to the peculiarities of the state-legal status and administrative practice of the Kingdom of Poland. It was the time when basic principles and a special structure of management at the outlying regions of the empire were developed, and when special (historical, national, and cultural) regions were formed on the periphery of the Empire. The policy of the Russian government in relation to the Kingdom of Poland depended both on the fundamental trends in the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe (as reflected in international treaties), as well as on the internal political development of the empire, and the peculiarities of political, legal, social, economic, cultural processes in the Kingdom and on Polish lands in Austria and Prussia. All these aspects have an impact on the debate that historians and legal experts are conducting on the state and legal status of parts of the lands of the former Principality of Warsaw that were included in the Russian Empire in 1815 by the decision of the Congress of Vienna. The fundamental political principles of the Russian Empire in the Kingdom of Poland in the first half of the 19th century were a combination of autocracy (with individual elements of enlightened absolutism), based on centralized bureaucratic control, and relatively decentralized political, administrative and estate structures, which assumed the presence of local self-government.


Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
ΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΝΔΡΙΩΤΗΣ

<p>Nikos Andriotis, Christians and Muslims in Crete 1821-1924. A Century of Continuous Confrontation in and out of the Battlefield</p><p>This article refers to the strained relations between Christians and Muslims of Crete during the last century of their cohabitation in the island. First, it deals with the frequent upheavals of Christians against Ottoman sovereignty during the 19th century, with an emphasis to the consequences on the population breakdown and the dwelling network of Crete. Among the Muslims who were living far away from the urban centers, a large number moved towards the cities of the island or in other areas of the Ottoman Empire. This phenomenon was an overwhelming characteristic of the last decade of the 19th century. During the same decade the decrease of the Muslim population was significant and the Muslim presence in the countryside was almost annihilated. At the same time Christians, arriving from neighboring or remote areas, colonized the abandoned Muslim dwellings. The Muslims continued to live in a ambiance of insecurity until their mandatory flight in 1923-1924 during the period of the Autonomy (1898-1912) and by the annexation of Crete to Greece, in the exception of the period of time during which there was a relative calmness in the relations of the two communities. The different national aspirations of Christians and Muslims cannot exclusively interpret the violent collision of the two communities. This confrontation is from the early times characterized by economical aspiration of the Christians, mainly through the attempt of acquiring ownership of Muslim estates by legal or illegal means. This occurred mostlyi n the area of Iraklio, where the changes regarding the acquisition of urban and agriculture real estates, through transactions or encroachment, largely took place.</p>


Author(s):  
Ahmet Hadrovic

The Dzider familyʹs house in the Crnoc village near Kakanj is located on the flat terrain of a steep slope with southwestern insolation (Figure 1). It is one of a large number of relatively preserved bosnian chardaklia houses in the area of Kakanj, in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina where the most developed types of Bosnian chardaklia house were built (Figure 2). The house was built during the reign of the Ottoman Empire (before the 19th century), but to date it has undergone a number of reconstructions and renovations[1]. It belongs to the type of two-tracts bosnian chardaklija house. One of the most valuable features of this house (except for its age) is the fact that it was erected on a living water source, which is still in the basement of the house today.


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