scholarly journals الجريمة السياسية وانعكاساتها على المجتمع العراقي المعاصر

لارك ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (38) ◽  
pp. 134-106
Author(s):  
ا.م.د. حمدان رمضان محمد

مستخلص.      يسعى هذا البحث الى تحليل واقع الجريمة السياسية في المشهد السياسي العراقي في الوقت الراهن وتداعياتها على المجتمع في ضوء ادبيات والاتجاهات النظرية المفسرة للجريمة السياسية ،بالاضافة الى ذلك تاتي اهمية هذا الموضوع من اهمية التعريف والتوعية بهذا النوع من الجرائم ومايكتنفه هذه المفردة من غموض واختلافات باختلاف الاماكن والازمان في المجتمعات الانسانية المختلفة. وقد توصل البحث الى بعض الاستنتاجات اهمها: الجريمة السياسية تكون اما بالفعل او بالراي وتكون اما من داخل المجتمع اومن خارجه. للجريمة السياسية آثار جسيمة على مختلف النواحي الحياة الاجتماعية والسياسية. اختلاف النظرة الى الجريمة السياسية باختلف طبيعة نظام الحكم السائد فيها من دولة إلى أخرى. الكلمات المفتاحية:الجريمة، السياسية، القانون،المجتمع، الدولة.           This research seeks to analyze the reality of political crime in the Iraqi political scene at the present time and its repercussions on society in the light of the literature and theoretical trends explaining the political crime. And time in different human societies. The research reached some conclusions, the most important of which are: 1- Political crime is either by act or opinion, and it is either from within the community or from outside it. 2- Political crime has grave effects on various aspects of social and political life. 3- The difference in perception of political crime differs according to the nature of the ruling system prevailing in it from one country to another. Key words: crime, political, law, society, state.

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. L. Morgan

The rise and fall of the house of York is a story which sits uneasily towards both revolutionary and evolutionary interpretations of fifteenth-century England. Indeed, in general, attempts to tidy away the political process of Lancastrian and Yorkist times into the displacement of one type of régime by another always fail to convince. They do so because as a régime neither Lancaster nor York kept still long enough to be impaled on a categorical definition. The political life and death of both dynasties composes the pattern, changing yet constant, of a set of variations on the theme of an aristocratic society pre-dominantly kingship-focused and centripetal rather than locality-focused and centrifugal. In so far as the political process conformed to the social order, the households of the great were the nodal connections in which relationships of mutual dependence cohered. Those retinues, fellowships, affinities (for the vocabulary of the time was rich in terms overlapping but with nuances of descriptive emphasis) have now been studied both in their general conformation and in several particular instances; I have here attempted for the central affinity of the king over one generation not a formal group portrait but a sketch focused on the middle distance of figures in a landscape. The meagreness of household records in the strict sense is a problem we must learn to live with. But it would seem sensible to make a virtue of necessity and follow the life-line of what evidence there is to the conclusion that if an understanding of the household is only possible by attending to its wider context, so an understanding of that wider political scene requires some attention to the household.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-161
Author(s):  
Alexey Chistyakov ◽  

In the XXI century, the French Republic remains one of the major economic and political partners of the Russian Federation. At the same time, one of the forces contributing to the internal stability of the Fifth Republic is the community of holders of state awards, united by official symbols around the idea of serving for the benefit of France, regardless of their own political beliefs. However, differences in the nature of award systems make it difficult for Russian statesmen to understand the true role of French order-bearers in political processes, the role of the Order itself in the life of France. The intuitive perception of this institution by Russian representatives is often limited or erroneous. Based on the analysis of information resources affiliated with the Order of the Legion of Honor, the author formulates a list of the main activities of its members. Understanding the nature of the participation of this organization in the political and social life of the Republic can have a significant impact on a certain «course correction» when interacting with foreign orderbearers. In addition, the presented conclusions can focus the attention of politicians in international affairs on institutions whose influence on domestic processes, although not obvious due to the difference in thesauri, is significant.


Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
E. Е. Urazbaev ◽  
E. N. Yamalova

This article investigates the Popular Front of Latvia, a public ethnopolitical movement that substantially contributed to the independence of the modern Republic of Latvia. The study aims to identify how much the movement influenced the development of ethnic nationalism, which has become essential to statehood and the identification of politics. It continues to reinforce group inequality in this multiethnic country. The article describes the background and main landmarks of the movement. Content analysis of manifestos has been carried out to trace changes in the Popular Front’s ideological vision. It is shown that the shift in priorities that took place during the 1988—1991 struggle for Latvia’s political and economic independence led to a non-democratic political regime. Particular attention is paid to the movement’s proposals concerning the principles of statehood restoration and citizenship acquisition as well as to approaches to solving ethnic problems. The focus is on why and under what circumstances the Popular Front dissolved itself and the supra-ethnic opposition, its main rivals, left the political scene. It is argued that the Popular Front of Latvia created conditions both for the titular nation taking precedence over other ethnic groups and for the exclusion of one-third of the country’s resident population from political life. It is concluded that, as the movement transformed and gradually abandoned its democratic principles, it became the main vehicle for the institutionalisation of ethnic nationalism in Latvia.


Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Imanutdin Khabibovich Sulaev ◽  

The article examines the revolutionary events of 1917 in Dagestan from the standpoint of legal awareness of Muslim public figures and clergy and their participation in the socio-political life of the region. The events had both common for the entire Russia and specific features due to the level of socio-economic and political development of the region and the role of Islam in its society. The article examines how the turbulent revolutionary time brought authoritative Muslim leaders to the political scene. Later, they aspired to develop their own tactics and strategy in order to influence the course of events in Dagestan after the February Revolution of 1917. Each representative of the secular and spiritual intelligentsia had their own attitude to the political forces that emerged during the struggle for the revolutionary democracy. The author notes such a characteristic feature of the revolutionary democracy of 1917 in Dagestan as the active involvement of the Muslim clergy in the new government institutions, their appeal to Islam and Sharia when clarifying and resolving various issues of socio-political importance. It is shown that the most important and discussed issue was the election of the head of the Caucasian Spiritual Board of Muslims from among muftis or imams by the Muslims of Dagestan and the North Caucasus. The healthy socio-political forces of the region aspired to preserve law and order in the region appealing to Sharia and Islam.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Ahmed Adnan Kazem ◽  
Jassem Mohammed Ahmed

The Turkish governments had witnessed dramatic changes during several decades ,So the article researched in realistic situations to estimate the contemporary events according to what happened now a days . Therefore , many challenges must be tackled in order to assessment the political scene specially after several military intervention in political life ,So these developments required making of amendments in constitutional law to change the political system toward presidential order instead of parliamentary system , and this  was happened in constitutional amendments which hold in sixteenth of April 2017 as a result of it . Turkish policies were stable politically and lawfully according to practicing democracy ,and it could be easily to know the nature of political participation as followed constitutionally .So the potentially strongest forces are being enabled to renew the political elites ,and the economic miracle would redistribution of roles among active actors in political life .Erdoğan's supporters point out since the attempted coup which happened in amid of July 2016 ,So the governing party and its government tried to reconstruction of trust between the peoples and political elites mutually , in order to override all challenges and to  stabilize the process of democracy


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gelles ◽  
Mariusz Kozerski ◽  
Joanna Trajman

A comprehensive study analysing the problem of political scandals in FRG from the political, historical, sociological and media perspective. The publication pinpoints the causes and the consequences of political scandals in the country established as a mature democracy with a well-functioning civil society. It analyses the influence such scandals exert on the political scene and stability in the country and shows the dynamics of political careers, linked to the mechanisms of scandalizing inappropriate behaviour of those participating in political life.


1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pat Rogers

The text for this essay comes from Sir Lewis Namier. “One has to steep oneself in the political life of a period,” so the decree reads, “before one can safely speak, or be sure of understanding, its language.” This article is an attempt to supply, not a complete grammar of Augustan politics, but a minor lexicographical entry. Historians sometimes talk as though the most urgent need were for an advanced glossary. The assumption behind this essay is that a more elementary gradus is required. The two key words under review, “party” and “faction,” have always occupied neighbouring berths in the British synonymy. Unfortunately, in the eighteenth-century vocabulary of politics, they became overlapping concepts. Or rather — this is the trouble — they sometimes merged, partially or completely; sometimes they did not; and sometimes they were even employed as antonymous terms. Examples of all these contrary applications are found in the work of Swift and Bolingbroke. As with other lexicographical enquiries, then, usage and abusage must be considered, as well as the simple dictionary definition of these terms.IEdmund Burke is still, in some quarters, valued more highly as a prophet than as a political thinker. His forecasts of the likely course of the Revolution have brought him a reputation for the occult among those who hold his moral views in little esteem, even though he may be regarded, most unfairly, as a sorcerer's apprentice who was engulfed by his own charmed vision.


1969 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank L. Wilson

In early spring of 1968, French political observers found the most lively issue of debate in the question of whether or not the nation was bored as a result of the political and economic stability insured by the Gaullist regime. One noted French political scientist in contributing to this debate wrote: “What is certain is that the France of 1968 does not seem able to give itself the luxury of a political scene as passionate as that of Czechoslovakia, as dramatic as that of the United States, or as glorious as that of Vietnam. Neither the agitation of a minority of the students of a few universities, nor certain workers’ demonstrations, nor the discontent which reigns in Brittany affects seriously our political life.” In a few weeks student riots and a general strike provoked the most serious political crisis in the years of the Fifth Republic and brought France to the brink of civil war.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-191
Author(s):  
Jessica Johnson

This article analyzes the anthropologist Kathleen Stewart’s Ordinary Affects and the poet Claudia Rankine’s Citizen: An American Lyric as autoethnographies of affective encounter in which the authors stylistically fracture their positionalities such that the embodied evidence of experience becomes visceral political potential. In Ordinary Affects, Stewart uses autoethnography to conjure the intensities of affect that manifest in everyday moments and spaces of encounter, detailing disparate scenes of immanent force to provide an antidote to academic studies that render power inert as they employ totalizing systems such as “neoliberalism” to analyze its effects. Using “she” to index the difference between her first-person identity as a writer and a body that imagines and senses the political-as-becoming, Stewart invites readers to participate in a poetics of worlding during which the author does not play expert witness. In the American lyric Citizen, Claudia Rankine also splits her narrative voice and uses both “I” and “you,” while evoking affective encounters of racialization that are forces of habit and routines of violence. Her poem includes not only personal anecdote or feeling but also events and texts of popular culture, enlisting her readers to take part in a poetics of worlding and a politics of becoming through which the author bears witness to “I” through “you.” In effect, Rankine and Stewart use autoethnography to resist portraying political life as bound by discursive logics of self and subjecthood.


Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Case

Political life in Brunei is frequently cast as stultifying, with activity diverted from political parties and civil society to the sultan and his coterie. Indeed, in 2006, with the government's petroleum earnings rising, the only detectable pressures for more openness seemed to emanate from the sultan himself. Staff at the Borneo Bulletin, then the main local daily, this year lamented finding little on the political scene to report.


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