scholarly journals The One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative and seaport business in Europe – perspective of the Port of Rijeka

Pomorstvo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-273
Author(s):  
Adrijana Agatić ◽  
Dragan Čišić ◽  
Ana Perić Hadžić ◽  
Tanja Poletan Jugović

The OBOR-One Belt One Road initiative has potential to enable further development of the Port of Rijeka. The European seaports are important for China in the development of the OBOR initiative, especially the ports on the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) corridor of the OBOR. Chinese investors i.e. terminal operators in the past two decades have strategically invested in the European seaports to strengthen their position and obtain the OBOR goals. European seaports got the opportunity to improve their business through Chinese infrastructure investments and through China’s trade dominance which can bring more cargo to the European seaports. Thus, the OBOR i.e. Maritime Silk Road-MSR provide new possibilities for further development of the Port of Rijeka. The Chinese investors expressed their interest to invest in the Port of Rijeka, but concrete investments and collaboration regarding OBOR have not been realized. In this paper, the OBOR goals in Europe and the current status of OBOR in Europe will be identified. Strategic activities of China in the European seaports will be analyzed. The perspective the Port of Rijeka in the OBOR initiative i.e. MSR corridor will be elaborated according to the analyzed Chinese strategic activities in the European seaports and relevant aspects of the Port of Rijeka business: geo-traffic position, position on the OBOR corridors i.e. MSR corridor, membership in the NAPA – North Adriatic Port Association, shipping services and railway services, port infrastructure and investments.

Author(s):  
Ping Zhou ◽  
Dongjuan Lv ◽  
Ying Chen

The “One Belt One Road” strategy is the abbreviation of “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road.” In September and October of 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed to build the cooperation initiative of “New Silk Road Economic Belt” and “The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.” President Xi Jinping projected to establish the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” during his visit in Indonesia in October 2013. Finally, the National Development and Reform Commission, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Commerce cooperatively issued the “Vision and Action for Promoting the Construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road” on March 28, 2015. The “One Belt One Road” countries were key areas of cooperation in the context of China's policy in communication, road connectivity, smooth trade, currency circulation, people's mutual understanding, strategic coordination to strengthen bilateral and multilateral teamwork, and corresponding development.


Subject The One Belt One Road initiative. Significance China's top economic planning body yesterday released a document on the Maritime Silk Road, adding to a growing set of authoritative central government documents that flesh out the nature and aims of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative. Impacts The leadership's commitment to OBOR will ensure that resources will flow to it as long as Xi remains president. Support could weaken when Xi steps down if his successor seeks signature initiatives of his own. The more cohesive OBOR becomes, the greater the risk that other governments not participating will see it as a threat.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (78) ◽  
pp. 129-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liu Haiquan

Abstract The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives (“One Belt, One Road”) are of significance in enhancing China’s open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by “One Belt, One Road” and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inna Šteinbuka ◽  
Tatyana Muravska ◽  
Andris Kuznieks

Abstract This contribution articulates the synergies and divergences of the various formats of cooperation between China and the European countries. The EU and China have a strong interest in each other’s flagship initiatives, namely the Investment Plan for Europe, and the One Belt, One Road Initiative (Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road). The authors argue that there are certain synergies between these initiatives. Furthermore, the new initiative EU-China Connectivity Platform is aimed to explore these synergies. The authors explore the recent developments in the EU-China investments, trade cooperation and the challenges of the ever-growing CEEC-China partnership in different formats, including the new platform of 16+1. The authors examine these implications in relation to the need to expand and adapt the content and approach of the EU-China Bilateral Investment agreement. The article concludes that the CEEC-China relation does not go against the EU; moreover, neither the CEE countries nor China have any motivation to try to weaken the EU.


Author(s):  
Salvatore Babones

China faces many hostile neighbours; relations with Japan are particularly fraught. China has thus sought friends farther afield, abandoning the Deng-Hu "keeping a low profile" (KLP) strategy for Xi Jinpeng's expansive "striving for achievement" (SFA) strategy. The centerpiece of SFA is the One Belt, One Road (1B1R) initiative. China's Silk Road Economic Belt is often said to have sparked a new "Great Game" for influence in Central Asia, but Central Asian economies are much too small to have any substantive impact on Eurasian geopolitics. China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road to Southeast Asia and beyond has been influential only in Africa, where it has little impact on global power structures. Like the fifteenth century voyages of Zheng He, the ultimate purpose of 1B1R may be to legitimate the Chinese government's rule at home. Even in this it is failing, as elite Chinese seek citizenships abroad. Birth tourism to the United States has emerged as their most important family exit strategy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi

Indo-Pacific has been among the most contested regions in the past decade. After China demonstrated its ambitious goal in reviving maritime silk road with its military and economic presence, United States, India, Japan, and Australia formed a new coalition to counter this strategy. This paper aims to examine the position of Indonesia as a traditional regional maritime power in the context of this changing maritime landscape of the Indo-Pacific region. In doing so, this paper develops the concept of “the three faces of maritime power” which distinguishes maritime power into hard, soft, and normative maritime power. The findings of this paper indicates that Indonesia demonstrates less of its hard and soft power, but it capitalizes on its normative power to demonstrate its presence in the new maritime landscape of the Indo Pacific


2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (03) ◽  
pp. 401-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Sabil Farooq ◽  
Tongkai Yuan ◽  
Jiangang Zhu ◽  
Nazia Feroze

China remains Africa’s largest financier of infrastructure, and the Belt and Road Forum held in May 2017 estimated pledge of funds of about US$40 billion. Reportedly, projects worth much more than the pledged funds are in the planning or have been underway, making the “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)” the biggest development initiative in history. China and Africa need each other in development, and the Asian giant continues to make inroads into Africa, home to minerals, oil, and other resources that help feed China’s phenomenal economic growth. This article intends to discuss the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR)” under the BRI and its socioeconomic and cultural impact on China-Africa relations, with an emphasis on China’s relationship with Kenya, a founding member of the East Africa community (EAC) that has enjoyed lasting friendship with China. It is concluded that despite the generally positive impact of Chinese economic presence in Africa over the past decades, both China and African countries have much to do to consolidate their mutually beneficial relationship and to achieve the MSR’s target of common prosperity in the long run.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 815-819
Author(s):  
Henryk Alff

This article scrutinizes the Maritime Silk Road Initiative by framing it not as a static, state-centric device to channel Chinese developmental ambitions, but by emphasizing the flexible character of its production and the provisional configuration of its materialization. It draws on assemblage theory as a conceptual angle to, on the one hand, focus on the agentive character of human and non-human ‘actors’ such as ‘traveling’ discourses of development or infrastructures to explore Maritime Silk Road Initiative’s materialization ‘on the ground’ in its emergent rather than resultant way, on the other.


China Report ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-363
Author(s):  
Aye Aye Khin ◽  
Fong Yi Chiun ◽  
Lim Chee Seong

This article is a conceptual review of identifying the factors of the successful implementation of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on small-medium enterprises (SMEs) in Malaysia. China’s president Xi Jin Ping has launched the China’s ‘One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) initiative or BRI in 2013. BRI focusses on the connectivity and cooperation between Asian, European and African continents economically and strategically through massive infrastructure developments, trades and investments. BRI is specified to two international trade connections: land-based ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ and sea-based ‘21st Century Maritime Silk Road’. Malaysia is one of the Southeast Asia countries that actively participated in BRI. According to the World Bank, SMEs are almost 98.5 per cent of business establishments in Malaysia, which undoubtedly indicates how important SMEs are in Malaysia. As such, that is the question to ponder of how BRI could connect and associate with the enhancement and development of Malaysia’s SMEs. Therefore, the objective of the study is to identify the factors of the successful implementation of BRI on SMEs in Malaysia. Based on this study’s literature reviews, it would be suggested that new business and investment opportunity creations, connectivity and cooperation enhancement, trade and export boosting, geographic location and enhancement of e-commerce were the most critical factors in the successful implementation of BRI on SMEs in Malaysia.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 600-633 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Matthias Keupp ◽  
Oliver Gassmann

In this article, the authors analyze the field of international entrepreneurship (IE), which is in desperate need of further theory development. They study the field of IE since its inception by offering a comprehensive review of 179 articles on IE published in 16 journals over 14 years, covering the academic disciplines of strategic management, international business, entrepreneurship, and technology and innovation management. From a systematic content analysis of this literature, the authors develop an organizing framework to analyze the field's current status. On the basis of this analysis, the authors can identify theoretical inconsistencies, conflicting predictions, and knowledge gaps that all forestall the further development of IE research. They then develop directions for future research that can help to overcome these obstacles and promote future theory development.


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