scholarly journals What mode of environmental regulation do post-industrial societies prefer and why?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Kolcava ◽  
Lukas Rudolph ◽  
Thomas Bernauer

Environmental policy is touching on ever more aspects of corporate and individual behavior, and there is much debate over what combinations of top-down (government-imposed) and bottom-up (voluntary private sector) measures to use. In post-industrial, democratic societies, citizens’ preferences over such combinations are crucial, because they shape the political feasibility space in which policymakers can act. We argue that policy-designs relying on voluntary measures receive more public support if they are based on inclusive decision-making, use strong transparency and monitoring mechanisms, and include a trigger for government intervention in case of ineffectiveness. Survey experiments focusing on two green economy issues in Switzerland (N=1941) provide strong support for these arguments. The findings are surprisingly consistent across the two contexts. This suggests that our study design offers a useful template for research that explores politically feasible green economy policy designs for other issues and in other countries.

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110367
Author(s):  
Moch Faisal Karim ◽  
Willy Dwira Yudha

Indonesia is among the many states that have become interested in conducting deep-sea mining (DSM) since it first became viable in the 1970s. However, it was during the administration of President Joko Widodo (2014–2019) that DSM became an important viable endeavour, with the increasing depletion of Indonesia’s mineral and metal reserves. Nevertheless, Indonesia is yet to undertake DSM activity. This article aims to explain the absence of DSM in Indonesia by analysing the political dimensions of the decision-making process during President Widodo’s administration. This research utilises the poliheuristic theory (PHT) of decision-making. It shows that Indonesia’s DSM absence is the result of conscious decisions made by President Widodo to avoid loss in public support and drop in popularity. This article contributes to expanding the study of non-event or non-decision, which has been largely ignored in decision-making literature in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Maria Kultaieva

The article proposes the critical analyses of the P. Mehring conception of philosophical pedagogy founded on the German idealism and Humboldt’s philosophy of education.   Transformations of the philosophical pedagogy are considering on the background of organizing changes in the education in the industrial and post-industrial contexts with regard to its meaning, logics and causes. The advantages of the interdisciplinary approach are proving on the problem field of the philosophical pedagogy in times of its rising and falls.The restoration of philosophical pedagogy of the early and developed industrialism is proposing with its  idealistic and institutional paradigm   (Humboldt-Hegel-Spranger) and the alternative one – the critical anti-institutionalism(Nietzsche -Adorno-Foucault), The heuristic metaphor  of the invention of freedom shows on the political  engagement of  philosophical pedagogy  what has both the negative and positive aspects. Some political pathologies of the state in the early post-industrial societies need pedagogical treating. That is why the revival perspective of philosophical pedagogy is inquiring.  For this case some actual ideas of W. von Humboldt and its transformations are used to show the risks and dangerous of educational reforms in the post-industrial contexts.The Kantian and Hegelian transformations are researching with the aim to show different tendencies of the development of education in philosophical reflections of pedagogical issues with political consequences regarding as possible paradigmatic changes which can exist as complementary ones.  The coherence of political and pedagogical ideas can exist in different constellations pursuing different purposes. The pedagogical construct of freedom as autonomy was often used in the political programs and political decisions, but the political reason is also an important factor for the transformations of contemporary educational systems and practices. The pedagogical construct  of freedom foresees the autonomy of educational institutions and independency of individual which cal be lost by his transforming to a  Wikipedia-citizen.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 918-932 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin J. Newman ◽  
John V. Kane

When exploring the political response of citizens to economic inequality, scholarship primarily focuses on support for left parties and demand for redistribution. This article expands upon this literature by exploring whether inequality generates public support for a known inequality-attenuating force in society—labor unions. In contrast to prior work, which largely focuses on national levels of inequality, we focus on the effect of citizens’ firsthand exposure to inequality in their local context. We theorize that residing in a context with visible income inequality should generate support for expanding the power of unions and should do so by augmenting the perceived exigency of unions in advocating for the working class. Using observational analysis of national survey data, reinforced with matching, placebo tests, and a survey experiment, we find strong support for our theoretical expectations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dustin Tingley ◽  
Michael Tomz

Abstract How does naming and shaming affect public support for compliance with international agreements? We investigated this question by conducting survey experiments about the Paris Agreement, which relies on social pressure for enforcement. Our experiments, administered to national samples in the United States, produced three sets of findings. First, shaming by foreign countries shifted domestic public opinion in favor of compliance, increasing the political incentive to honor the Paris Agreement. Second, the effects of shaming varied with the behavior of the target. Shaming was more effective against partial compliers than against targets that took no action or honored their obligations completely. Moreover, even partial compliers managed to reduce the effects of shaming through the strategic use of counter-rhetoric. Third, identity moderated responses to shaming. Shaming by allies was not significantly more effective than shaming by non-allies, but Democrats were more receptive to shaming than Republicans. Overall, our experiments expose both the power and the limits of shaming as a strategy for enforcing the Paris Agreement. At the same time, they advance our understanding of the most significant environmental problem facing the planet.


Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Mordecai Lee

While film studies have become common in public administration, no inquiries have related to the cinematic depiction of the process of public law, a subject that is the underpinning of all public administration. This inquiry identified thirteen movies that present scenes of how a bill becomes a law. From these movies the American public learns about lawmaking, as a civics lesson writ large. In large part, these movies are relatively accurate about both the technical steps involved in legislation as well as the political and behind- the-scenes aspects of decision-making in Congress. This means the movies are making a positive contribution to understanding public administration. Given the contemporary sense of a decline in the quality of Congress, these movies have contributed not just to a relatively realistic understanding of how a bill becomes a law, but probably also to public support for reform. Public administration would be one of the beneficiaries ofreforms that improve Congressional decision-making.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarp Kurgan

AbstractThis article analyzes the results of two general elections in Turkey, June and November 2015, in light of the securitization policies applied by theAKPgovernment. The aim is to shed light on the reasons forAKP’s recovery between the two elections, despite ongoing economic, social, and political problems. The article explainsAKP’s grip on a strong support base through three interdependent reasons—the specter of the 1980 military coup, identity-based voting preferences, and successfully implemented securitization policies of theAKP. The first two reasons best explain the election successes of theAKPfrom 2002 to 2013, among other factors. In addition, these two factors constitute the political context in which theAKPmanaged to build an authoritarian regime.AKP’s implementation of securitization policies, on the other hand, is more adequate in explaining post-2013 policies and electoral successes, especially its recovery from June to November 2015. In addition, this article also aims to provide insights, based on the Turkish case, on how authoritarian governments manage to gather and secure public support, despite economic, social, and political turmoil and when and how securitization policies might fail and succeed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Zubrzycka-Czarnecka ◽  

The goal of this paper is to demonstrate the usefulness of the What’s the Problem Represented to Be approach (WPR), a tool of policy analysis developed by the Australian political scientist Carol Bacchi to examine the discursive representations of council tenants’ participation in connection with the inclusion of council housing tenants from the Jazdów Estate in the decision-making process relating to local housing policy in Warsaw. The article identifies two discursive representations of council tenants’ participation: (1) council tenants as an expected passive audience in top-down policymaking and (2) the limited acceptance of the agency of council tenants in policymaking. It was found that in Warsaw - or at least in the case of Jazdów - the political and discursive interpretation of tenants’ participation is primarily associated with the act of informing and less often with public consultation or the co-production of housing policy.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


Author(s):  
Christian Gilliam

Christian Gilliam argues that a philosophy of ‘pure’ immanence is integral to the development of an alternative understanding of ‘the political’; one that re-orients our understanding of the self toward the concept of an unconscious or ‘micropolitical’ life of desire. He argues that here, in this ‘life’, is where the power relations integral to the continuation of post-industrial capitalism are most present and most at stake. Through proving its philosophical context, lineage and political import, Gilliam ultimately justifies the conceptual necessity of immanence in understanding politics and resistance, thereby challenging the claim that ontologies of ‘pure’ immanence are either apolitical or politically incoherent.


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