The Effects of Naming and Shaming on Public Support for Compliance with International Agreements: An Experimental Analysis of the Paris Agreement

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dustin Tingley ◽  
Michael Tomz

Abstract How does naming and shaming affect public support for compliance with international agreements? We investigated this question by conducting survey experiments about the Paris Agreement, which relies on social pressure for enforcement. Our experiments, administered to national samples in the United States, produced three sets of findings. First, shaming by foreign countries shifted domestic public opinion in favor of compliance, increasing the political incentive to honor the Paris Agreement. Second, the effects of shaming varied with the behavior of the target. Shaming was more effective against partial compliers than against targets that took no action or honored their obligations completely. Moreover, even partial compliers managed to reduce the effects of shaming through the strategic use of counter-rhetoric. Third, identity moderated responses to shaming. Shaming by allies was not significantly more effective than shaming by non-allies, but Democrats were more receptive to shaming than Republicans. Overall, our experiments expose both the power and the limits of shaming as a strategy for enforcing the Paris Agreement. At the same time, they advance our understanding of the most significant environmental problem facing the planet.

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-238
Author(s):  
Matthew Dale Kim

AbstractPast studies suggest that domestic public support for compliance with international human rights law can constrain governments to comply with human rights law. But the question remains: Why does the public care about compliance? Using a series of survey experiments in South Korea and the United States, this study finds that constituents are concerned about compliance in one issue area—such as human rights—because they believe it will affect the country's reputation in other domains of international law. Cross-national survey experiments demonstrate that past noncompliance negatively affects the South Korean public's second-order beliefs about the likelihood of future compliance across different issue areas. However, past noncompliance has a limited impact on the US public's first-order beliefs across different domains.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-63
Author(s):  
Ingrid Nielsen ◽  
Russell Smyth

Existing studies for the United States examine the extent to which the public is knowledgeable about US courts, arguing that knowledge of the courts is linked to public support for their role. We know little, though, about the Australian public’s awareness of the High Court of Australia. We report the results of a survey of a representative sample of the Australian adult population, administered in November 2017. We find that few Australians know the names of the Justices, the number of Justices on the Court, how the Justices are appointed or for how long they serve. Awareness of recent cases decided by the Court is mixed. We find that age and education are better predictors of awareness levels than is gender. Our findings are important because in the absence of awareness of the High Court, the potential exists for the public to see the Court as having a more overt political role than it has, which may lower esteem for the Court. The potential for this to occur is exacerbated if, and when, politicians attempt to drag the High Court into the political fray, by attributing political motives to it that it does not have.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-19
Author(s):  
Ronald J. Bettauer

A nation can settle the claims of its citizens against a foreign government. The injury must have been an internationally wrongful act by another State and the injured citizen must have been a national of the espousing state. Generally, a claim may not be espoused unless the “local remedies” rule is satisfied. The United States has a long history of settling individual claims against foreign countries by international agreements. The Supreme Court has upheld this practice. The Peace Treaty with Japan contains a mutual waiver of claims. Yet Americans who had been forced to work as slave laborers for Japanese companies filed lawsuits. The u.s. executive branch and courts held that their claims had been settled. Certain Holocaust claims were resolved under a new format. Thus, creative approaches to resolving claims are available outside the normal legal framework.


Author(s):  
Irene Bloemraad ◽  
Doris Marie Provine

Comparing the United States (U.S.) and Canadian responses to immigration in the context of each country’s civil rights struggles underscores the importance of history, geography, demography, and institutional structures in determining law and policy. Civil rights in the U.S. required a civil war over slavery and created an important role for courts to interpret constitutional mandates of equal treatment. Constitutionally enshrined individual rights came late to Canada and change occurred often through piecemeal legislative and bureaucratic action rather than litigation. Such differences in the trajectory of rights influence differences in immigration policy: active support and management of entry and integration in Canada versus an ambiguous welcome and laissez-faire incorporation in the U.S. Looking to the future, the political system and contentious views on immigration make policymaking difficult in the U.S., while Canadian policymakers enjoy more public support and flexibility as they take on the challenges and opportunities of immigration.


Author(s):  
Wesam Saheb Aldaghestani

This article discusses the questions of providing assistance by foreign countries and international organizations to the Kingdom of Jordan. Jordan is in the grip of Syrian crisis reflected in arrival of a significant number of refugees. This, in turn, affects the deterioration of the economic situation and security in the state. Jordan has received assistance from the Gulf Cooperation Council that played a key role in aiding Jordan during the local protests. The article uses the content analysis for declarations of Jordan, initiated by the Ministry of International Cooperation; as well as complex approach towards understanding an international subject that greatly contributes to this assistance. It is concluded the most assistance is provided by the United States and the neighboring Arab countries, which influences the political views of Jordan upon regional crucial problems. At the same time, Jordan faces financial deficit that led to organization of local demonstration on the Kingdom and put the Jordanian government into a situation of serious crisis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 174165902110273
Author(s):  
Laura Vitis ◽  
Laura Naegler ◽  
Ahmad Salehin

In November 2018, Monica Baey, a student at the National University of Singapore (NUS) was recorded by a fellow student while showering in university accommodation. After the perpetrator was issued a formal warning and a one-semester suspension, Baey posted about the case on social media and named the perpetrator. This generated public support, news coverage and institutional reform. In this article, we explore a range of responses to the Monica Baey case through a thematic analysis of publicly available comments about the case on a popular message board forum, Hardwarezone. By contextualising our analysis within the political setting of Singapore, this research demonstrates that public responses to testimony-based resistance require close analysis, as extant tools for citizens to engage in ‘naming and shaming’, were relevant to understanding these responses to this mode of resistance and reflected what Ibrahim (2018) calls ‘everyday authoritarianism’.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Kolcava ◽  
Lukas Rudolph ◽  
Thomas Bernauer

Environmental policy is touching on ever more aspects of corporate and individual behavior, and there is much debate over what combinations of top-down (government-imposed) and bottom-up (voluntary private sector) measures to use. In post-industrial, democratic societies, citizens’ preferences over such combinations are crucial, because they shape the political feasibility space in which policymakers can act. We argue that policy-designs relying on voluntary measures receive more public support if they are based on inclusive decision-making, use strong transparency and monitoring mechanisms, and include a trigger for government intervention in case of ineffectiveness. Survey experiments focusing on two green economy issues in Switzerland (N=1941) provide strong support for these arguments. The findings are surprisingly consistent across the two contexts. This suggests that our study design offers a useful template for research that explores politically feasible green economy policy designs for other issues and in other countries.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean D. Ehrlich

The political economy of trade literature argues that the policy of compensating those who lose from trade is an important component of maintaining public support for free-trade, a linkage known as the compensation hypothesis or embedded liberalism thesis. This article tests the causal mechanisms underlying the compensation hypothesis by examining support for trade-related compensation using survey data from the United States. Expectations about the effects of trade strongly predict support for trade-related unemployment insurance, with those who expect to lose more likely to support and those who expect to gain more like to oppose, but has no influence on support for general unemployment insurance despite previous research suggesting it should.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Johns ◽  
Graeme A. M. Davies

In contrast to the expansive literature on military casualties and support for war, we know very little about public reactions to foreign civilian casualties. This article, based on representative sample surveys in the United States and Britain, reports four survey experiments weaving information about civilian casualties into vignettes about Western military action. These produce consistent evidence of civilian casualty aversion: where death tolls were higher, support for force was invariably and significantly lower. Casualty effects were moderate in size but robust across our two cases and across different scenarios. They were also strikingly resistant to moderation by other factors manipulated in the experiments, such as the framing of casualties or their religious affiliation. The importance of numbers over even strongly humanizing frames points toward a utilitarian rather than a social psychological model of casualty aversion. Either way, civilian casualties deserve a more prominent place in the literature on public support for war.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 997-1026 ◽  
Author(s):  
John V. Kane ◽  
Benjamin J. Newman

Labor unions play a prominent role in the economy and in politics, and have long been depicted by opponents as an overly powerful, corrupt and economically harmful institution. In labor-related news in recent years, anti-union rhetoric has regularly focused on union workers themselves, frequently portraying them as overpaid, greedy and undeserving of their wealth, while also drawing a contrast between the compensation of union vs. non-union workers. This type of rhetoric is referred to here as class-based anti-union rhetoric (CAR). Despite its prevalence, it remains unknown whether CAR affects public opinion toward unions. This study uses a series of national survey experiments to demonstrate that exposure to CAR reduces the perceived similarity of targeted union workers, unions’ perceived deservingness of public support and support for pro-union legislation. Moreover, CAR repeatedly nullified or reversed the otherwise positive relationship between the strength of worker identity and solidarity with union workers.


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