scholarly journals Globalisasi Ekonomi Syariah di Indonesia dan Perannya terhadap UMKM

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sumitro Sarkum

Indonesia has a very big role in the struggle for the implementation of Islamic economics globally. Although the empowerment of SMEs that are proven to anticipate the crisis has not been fully implemented with the maximum and management of natural resources have not been exploited specifically. Indonesia's dependence on foreign debt increase the budget deficit, assuming other factors remain unchanged, because the expenditure for the payment of principal and interest on loans the central government expenditure is higher than revenue. State sukuk important as Islamic financial growth driver as a reference for the private sector to issue sukuk and investment instruments for financial institutions to have additional liquidity, but also used by Bank Indonesia as an instrument of open market operations in this practice in accordance with the SME sector business climate

2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-71
Author(s):  
Nurkholis Nurkholis ◽  
Bambang P.S. Brodjonegoro

Regional autonomy program is the form of fiscal decentralization policy in Indonesia, legally started with the law of Regional Government No.22/1999 about de-concentration azas, which imply power or authority sharing and No.25/1999 about decentralization, which imply financial sharing between central and regional government. Financial sharing is tax and natural resources sharing revenue. This financial sharing type can widen fiscal gap between regions. As the solution, the central government gives block grants. Interregional Input-Output (IRIO) model can be used to analyze the impact of fiscal decentralization policy on sectoral and regional linkages, multipliers, growth, equalization, and efficiency of the regional economy. The analysis use shock variables of inter-governmental transfer including tax sharing revenue, natural resources revenue and block grants. They are treated as an exogenous variable package by regional government expenditure. The expenditures are in the form of investment and consumption based on IRIO model to analyze the optimality of policy variation. The analysis shows that the optimality of growth, equalization, and economic efficiency will be reached if the allocation of inter-governmental transfer is exactly the same as the potency and linkages between sectors and regions. We find the current formulation of intergovernmental transfer by central government, potent to increase regional disparity. Central government should reformulate division of inter-governmental transfer to avoid fiscal decentralization to be contra productive policy.


Author(s):  
Yuskar Yuskar

Good governance is a ware to create an efficient, effective and accountable government by keeping a balanced interaction well between government, private sector and society role. The implementation of a good governance is aimed to recover the public trust for the government that has been lost for the last several years because of financial, economic and trust crisis further multidimensional crisis. The Misunderstanding concept and unconcerned manner of government in implementing a good governance lately have caused unstability, deviation and injustice for Indonesia society. This paper is a literature study explaining a concept, principles and characteristics of a good governance. Furthermore, it explains the definition, development and utility of an efficient, effective and accountable government in creating a good governance mechanism having a strong impact to the democratic economy and social welfare. It also analyzes the importance of government concern for improving democratic economy suitable with human and natural resources and the culture values of Indonesia.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ali Hapsah ◽  
Wawan Mas’udi

East Kalimantan is a province full of paradoxes. This region has considerable economic potential measured in terms of its abundant endowments of natural resources, including oil, natural gas, gold, coal and forestry. Yet, East Kalimantan still lacks infrastructure, has poor human resources and high levels of unemployment, factors that condemn much of the population to a life of poverty and hardship. The new system of regional autonomy, which has been implemented since 2001, was expected to give more benefit to the regions, as regional governments have held relatively more power and fiscal capacity. Law 22/1999, which has been revised twice, has provided more authority to regional governments to manage their respective regions. The introduction of fiscal decentralisation through Law 25/1999, further revised in Law 33/2004, has favoured regions rich in natural resources such as East Kalimantan. As it has abundant natural resources, this region has received greatly increased funds from the central government due to the implementation of sharing revenue formula generated from the exploitation of natural resources. These supposed to give more opportunities for the rich regions such East Kalimantan to accelerate regional development and bring their people to greater prosperity. Nevertheless, East Kalimantan has realized neither the objectives of regional autonomy nor the community aspirations for a more prosperous society. This paper aims to examine the extent to which regional autonomy laws have impacted people's welfare in East Kalimantan.


2002 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. K. Yesilkagit ◽  
J. de Vries

Two developments flowing from the institutional reforms in The Netherlands of the 1980s currently form ‘the usual suspects’ in a series of scandals or instances of public arousal within the public sector. The first factor is the large-scale decentralization of tasks from central government to provincial and municipal authorities. Initiated under the name of democratization and efficiency this decentralization programme was part of a large package of operations, including deconcentration, deregulation, privatization, and reconsideration, that were to to slim down central government in terms of personnel, tasks and organization. Second, managerialism, i.e. the adoption of business management ideas and concepts by public administrators, entered Dutch public service vocabulary during the second half of the 1980s. Managerialism did not limit itself only to central government agencies but also — and perhaps more succinctly — found openings in provincial and municipal authorities, mainly as a fierce reaction against the ‘bureaucratism’ of daily administrative practice to counter the relative deprivation perceived by civil servants in relation to their private sector counterparts. This article shows that the decentralization of financial management and the emergence of ‘reinvention’ ideas have had autonomous but drastic effects. While the former blinded central government and provincial controllers, the latter legitimized practices that even under a private sector regime would have been deemed improbable.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-434
Author(s):  
Haryo Kuncoro

This paper is designed to analyze the sustainability of the central government budget in the case of Indonesia over the period of 1999-2009. First, we explore the theoretical background of the fiscal sustainability. Second, we develop a model to capture some factors determining the fiscal sustainability. Unlike the previous studies, we use both domestic debt and foreign debt to assess the fiscal solvency. Finally, we estimate it empirically. Based on the quarterly data analysis, we concluded that the government budget is unsustainable. This is associated with domestic debt rather than foreign debt. They imply that the central government should manage the debts carefully including re-profile, re-schedule, and re-structure them in order to spread the excess burden in the future. Also, the fiscal risks should be calculated comprehensively in order to maintain solvency.Keywords: Domestic debt, Foreign debt, Fiscal sustainability, Primary balanceJEL Clasbsification: E62, H63


Author(s):  
G. M. Sidorova

The research focuses on the problem of military-political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo experiencing continued armed conflict for a long time. Dozens of illegal armed groups both Congolese and foreign origin continue to destabilize situation in the eastern part of the country causing humanitarian disasters. Due to governmental weakness, economic backwardness, chronical lack of finance resources, interethnic conflicts, all-round and widely spread corruption of the authorities, the Congolese government at the moment is not able to overcome scores of problems including the problem of security. Assistanceprovided to the DRC by itspartnerssuch as, first of all, the former metropolitan country Belgium, as well as the USA, Great Britain, the Europe Union and China works only in favourof these country-donors. They are attracted by rich Congolese natural resources which the DRC remaining one of the poorest countries in the world cannot turn to advantage to the full extent because of its economic backwardness. In exchange for so-calleddevelopment programmes, expensive strategic raw material (such as coltan, wolfram, casseterit, cooper, gold, niobium, and other) is being extracted and exported from the country, in addition, often on the inequivalent basis. This is taking place for the reason that numerous mines and open-cast mines are being controlled by different illegal armed groups and not by the central government. Therefore, it turns out that in the context of a military-political crisis, for so-called partners it is more beneficial to pursue their own interests. Furthermore, western ideologists arouse "separatism-oriented" theories similar to "balkanization", in other words, a breakdown of this giant country into several independent states. The Congolese are tremulous to this issue, they try to counter such approachs and defend the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, it is not an easy task. The impediment is unsettled relations with neighbouring countries - Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which for tens of years exploit illegally natural resources of the DRC and try to lay hold of frontier Congolese territories.


2020 ◽  
pp. 794-842
Author(s):  
Narayan Prasad Paudel

The Nepalese financial sector is attributed of banking sector and non-banking sector. There is exponential growth in the number of financial institutions in Nepal in the last decade. The existing legal framework and institutional setup in Nepal is not conducive to the overall financial sector and private sector development and thus there is an urgent need for reformation in these sectors. The major impediments to private sector involvement in infrastructure development projects include the political and administrative instability; lack of consistent planning; lack of effective institutional support in designing and development of private sector infrastructure projects. Talking about the capital market and capital gains In Nepal, capital gains on securities transactions are taxed as ordinary income to corporations and individual investors while in most of the emerging markets capital gains on investments in stocks and bonds are not taxed, which need to be reformed as per the international practices.


Author(s):  
Thomas Risse

Areas of limited statehood where central government authorities lack the capacity of implementing and enforcing decisions and/or lack the monopoly over the means of violence, are ubiquitous. However, these areas are neither ungovernable nor ungoverned. Enormous variation exists, that includes badly governed places but also “good governance” in areas of limited statehood, sometimes separated only by a few blocks. Effective governance (public service provision, rule-making) depends on three factors: legitimacy; social trust relations within communities; and adequate design of institutions, including financial resources. International Financial Institutions (IFIs) should thus focus on building governance capacity rather than further engaging in state-building, which has failed despite substantial investments. If the central state is autocratic and/or predatory, building state capacity will only make a bad situation worse. Yet, if the central government is constrained by the rule of law and by democratic institutions, but lacks the capacity to implement and enforce decisions, then capacity-building might help improve governance.


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