scholarly journals Walk This Way: Ingroup Norms Determine Voting Intentions for Those Who Lack Sociopolitical Control

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Potoczek ◽  
Marcin Bukowski ◽  
Soledad de Lemus ◽  
Álvaro Rodríguez López ◽  
Katarzyna Jasko

Even though taking part in elections is one of the most direct tools to influence the socio-political system, many people choose not to vote. Research shows that this problem is especially prevalent among those citizens who do not believe they have control over social and political issues, but the question remains as to what could encourage their voting behavior. We predicted that individuals who experience low levels of control can be more susceptible to ingroup norms regarding participation in political elections than those with a high sense of control. Across five studies we found consistent support for this hypothesis. Specifically, people who experience decreased sociopolitical control were more likely to vote when descriptive norms (measured or manipulated) were conducive to voting. The results have important theoretical and applied implications, illuminating the boundary conditions under which people deprived of control can participate in a political sphere.

1973 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-138
Author(s):  
Howard A. Scarrow

It is both humbling and encouraging to recall notions that Americans once entertained of the British political system. Critics of F.D.R. looked enviously at the British Parliament for its reputed ability to hold the executive firmly accountable for its actions. Somewhat later, observers on both sides of the Atlantic supposed that Britain was blessed with an absence of pressure groups. Would-be reformers of the American party system further implied that British voters cast their ballots according to the content of party programs, and that party cohesion was the result of discipline imposed by a centralized party organization able to deny renomination to recalcitrant M.P.'s. Careful analyses of intra-party workings, pressure-group activity, and voting behavior have now dispelled these and other mistaken impressions, and it seems likely that the contours of our understanding of these subjects have now been established. However, additional frontiers of knowledge of the British political system remain to be charted; one of these is government at the local level.


1981 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.R. Fisher

The concept of the deferential society appears superficially to provide a valuable sociological underpinning to the phenomenon of the continuing dominance of the landed classes in nineteenth-century English politics. According to Professor D.C. Moore, whose case is advanced most fully in The Politics of Deference (1976), rural society consisted largely of a network of hierarchically structured communities. These, “what might be called ‘deference communities’ or ‘deference networks,’ (were) the essential action groups of mid-nineteenth century English politics.” Their nature and interaction “helps to explain the perpetuation of this structure (the deferential society), the perpetuation of the related political system, and the peculiar selection and formulation of political issues within the system.” It is difficult to do Professor Moore's subtle reasoning justice in a limited space but it would probably be fair to say that he sees most of the major legislative changes of the mid-nineteenth century as shaped and conditioned by the response of deferential leaders to social and economic change, a response which was designed as much to protect and buttress the existing system as to accommodate the new disruptive forces by major concession.Professor Moore's case depends to a considerable extent on the pervasiveness and dominance of his “deferential communities” in rural society. However, while their existence is undeniable, other historians have expressed reservations as to the emphasis put on their role. Put most simply, in the words of Professor Moore's severest critic, “the electoral history of nineteenth-century Britain cannot be deduced from Bateman's Great Landowners.”


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Cnudde ◽  
Donald J. McCrone

Warren E. Miller and Donald E. Stokes' publication in 1963 of a preliminary report on the Survey Research Center's representation study is an important landmark in the development of empirical political theory. That report addressed itself to the crucial theoretical question of the linkage between mass political opinions and governmental policy-making. More specifically, the report found considerable policy agreement between Congressional roll call votes and the attitudes of the individual Congressman's constituency. This policy agreement was then interpreted through several causal paths and the Congressman's perception of his constituency's attitudes was found to be the main path by which the local district ultimately influenced Congressional outputs.The main body of the report dealt with the broad civil rights issue dimension, and, by specifying the perceptual path by which constituency influence is brought to bear, documented the effect of political issues despite the generally low level of political information held at the mass level. Thus, the Congressmen, through their broad cognitive evaluations, were aware of how far they could proceed in determining their civil rights roll call votes on the basis of their own attitudes before risking the displeasure of their constituents.Beyond such major substantive contributions the representation study introduced to political science a variance-apportioning technique similar to that developed by Sewall Wright, in 1921. Through this variance-apportioning technique, the importance of the perceptual link was isolated and evaluated. This study, then, symbolizes the growing recognition in political science of the importance of more sophisticated methodological tools in the process of theory building.


1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Dean Burnham

In the infancy of a science the use even of fairly crude methods of analysis and description can produce surprisingly large increments of knowledge if new perspectives are brought to bear upon available data. Such perspectives not infrequently require both a combination of methodologies and a critical appraisal of the limitations of each. The emergence of American voting-behavior studies over the last two decades constitutes a good case in point. Studies based on aggregate election statistics have given us invaluable insights into the nature of secular trends in the distribution of the party vote, and have also provided us with useful theory concerning such major phenomena as critical elections. Survey research has made significant contributions to the understanding of motivational forces at work upon the individual voter. As it matures, it is now reaching out to grapple with problems which involve the political system as a whole.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 273-288
Author(s):  
Haleema Khalid ◽  
Muhammad Shahbaz ◽  
Behzad Anwar

This article aims to investigate Maalik, Pakistani political thriller as the product of ‘politicotainment’, a genre combining politics and entertainment. Keeping in view the nexus of politics, media and language, Discourse Historical Approach from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis with a particular focus on media, discourse, and society is employed. Maalik, is exceptional movie because it is explicitly related to real life socio-political and socio-cultural events of Pakistan; its focus on social and political issues such as exploitation of power and corrupt political system shifts the focus towards the ownership of Pakistan and accepting responsibilities. Therefore, the film connects the emerging political discourse in Pakistan with the rising public pulse against corruption and call for accountability. This research provides insights regarding the discursive construction of contemporary Pakistani narrative in the time of national crisis in order to reveal the projected and recontextualized norms in the context of Pakistan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Galli ◽  
Davide Angelucci ◽  
Stefan Bode ◽  
Chiara De Giorgi ◽  
Lorenzo De Sio ◽  
...  

AbstractSelf-reports are conventionally used to measure political preferences, yet individuals may be unable or unwilling to report their political attitudes. Here, in 69 participants we compared implicit and explicit methods of political attitude assessment and focused our investigation on populist attitudes. Ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, we recorded electroencephalography (EEG) from future voters while they completed a survey that measured levels of agreement on different political issues. An Implicit Association Test (IAT) was administered at the end of the recording session. Neural signals differed as a function of future vote for a populist or mainstream party and of whether survey items expressed populist or non-populist views. The combination of EEG responses and self-reported preferences predicted electoral choice better than traditional socio-demographic and ideological variables, while IAT scores were not a significant predictor. These findings suggest that measurements of brain activity can refine the assessment of socio-political attitudes, even when those attitudes are not based on traditional ideological divides.


Author(s):  
Akwasi Opoku-Dakwa ◽  
Deborah E. Rupp

This chapter distinguishes four facets of CSR and explains how they influence employees’ experience of meaningful work. Specifically, it is described how stakeholders’ CSR expectations help employees understand which aspects of their work are of value to others; how CSR assessments provide feedback to employees about whether they are meeting stakeholders’ expectations; how CSR attributions affect employees’ experience of kinship at work; and how organizations’ CSR responses provide opportunities for employees to experience personal agency in addressing socio-environmental concerns. Boundary conditions on these effects are discussed, including (1) employees’ agreement with stakeholder expectations, (2) their sense of control over socio-environmental outcomes; and the degree to which employees (3) identify with groups to which stakeholders attribute social (ir)responsibility and (4) perceive personal growth opportunities through CSR involvement. These insights contribute to understanding CSR as a context that influences employees’ experience of work.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-473
Author(s):  
Luciano Zaccara

The first city officially affected by COVID-19 was Iran’s religious centre, Qom, on 19 February 2020. However, as this paper shows, Qom is not only the Islamic Republic’s most important city when it comes to religious matters, but also when it comes to political issues. In consequence, the pandemic quickly spread from the initial epicentre throughout the country in three waves with, to date, more than 600,000 positive cases and 36,000 deaths. In stark contrast to other countries, a very large proportion of members of Iran’s clerical and political establishment as well as government institutions had been infected.Despite the alarming figures, Iranian authorities tried to avoid strict confinement measures to prevent not only the healthcare system but also the already enormously strained economy from collapsing. COVID-19 in combination with crippling US sanctions have had severe impacts on the Iranian economy and its government, whose credibility and performance had already been called into question.The article provides an early analysis of the impact of COVID-19 on the Islamic Republic and its political system, enquiring into immediate and future challenges for the current and the next government in dealing with the effects of the pandemic in combination with the US’s maximum pressure campaign.


1994 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger D. Masters

How do members of different ethnic or racial groups differ in their responses to the same political events? Previous research has shown that when leaders are seen on television, the viewers' episodic emotional and cognitive responses can influence their attitudes and subsequent voting behavior. In an experimental replication, using excerpts of all candidates in the 1988 American presidential election, episodic emotions elicited by facial displays were again found to produce positive attitude change in white viewers. For blacks, however, the emotions felt while watching leaders—including Jesse Jackson and Michael Dukakis, who elicited highly favorable responses—did not influence posttest attitudes. This contrast between black and white viewers' emotions and attitudes differs from the effects of nonverbal behavior associated with personality or gender. These findings suggest that nonconscious factors may play an important role in the way blacks perceive and react within the American political system.


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