scholarly journals The economic effect of the 2015 Refugee Crisis in Sweden: Jobs, Crimes, Prices and Voter turnout

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arvid Uddfeldt

The civil war in Syria has culminated in a massive refugee crisis in neighboring and Europeancountries. Millions of refugees made their way to Europe between 2014 and 2015, with morethan 160 000 arriving in Sweden alone. Little is known about the impact of this influx onvoting behavior, criminality rates, labor markets, and local price levels. By using data on theSwedish municipalities, the analysis estimates the short-run consequences of the refugeeinflow. The results are found through a dynamic difference-in-difference estimator, whichcompare municipalities in Sweden who received relatively many refugees (treated) comparedto those hosting relatively few refugees (control). The quasi-randomized allocation process ofrefugees in combination with a very high variation among the different municipalitiesrefugee-intake creates stable conditions for reliable estimations through the difference-indifferenceapproach. Regarding the labor market, the findings suggest that the treated groupshosting many refugees face higher unemployment rates and simultaneously lower wagelevels. Additionally, the result indicates that the municipalities hosting more refugees facehigher crimes committed per capita, particularly regarding assault- and fraud-related crimes.Furthermore, the results stress that the treated group meet higher vote shares in thesubsequent national election in favor of the right-wing parties and decreasing support for thecenter-right, center-left, and left-wing parties. Surprisingly, the vote share of the antiimmigrationparty SD does not correlate with refugee-influx.

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Shamier Ebrahim

The right to adequate housing is a constitutional imperative which is contained in section 26 of the Constitution. The state is tasked with the progressive realisation of this right. The allocation of housing has been plagued with challenges which impact negatively on the allocation process. This note analyses Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality v Various Occupiers, Eden Park Extension 51 which dealt with a situation where one of the main reasons provided by the Supreme Court of Appeal for refusing the eviction order was because the appellants subjected the unlawful occupiers to defective waiting lists and failed to engage with the community regarding the compilation of the lists and the criteria used to identify beneficiaries. This case brings to the fore the importance of a coherent (reasonable) waiting list in eviction proceedings. This note further analyses the impact of the waiting list system in eviction proceedings and makes recommendations regarding what would constitute a coherent (reasonable) waiting list for the purpose of section 26(2) of the Constitution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-93
Author(s):  
Chirok Han ◽  
Kwanho Shin

Since the currency crisis in 1998, Korea has experienced continuous current account surpluses. Recently, the current account surplus increased more rapidly—amounting to 7.7 percent of GDP in 2015. In this paper, we investigate the underlying reasons for the widening of Korea's current account surpluses. We find that the upward trend in Korea's current account surpluses is largely explained by its demographical changes. Other economic variables are only helpful when explaining short run fluctuations in current account balances. Moreover, we show that Korea's current account surplus is expected to disappear by 2042 as it becomes one of the most aged economies in the world. Demographic changes are so powerful that they explain, quite successfully, the current account balance trends of other economies with highly aged populations such as Japan, Germany, Italy, Finland, and Greece. When we add the real exchange rate as an additional explanatory variable, it is statistically significant with the right sign, but the magnitude explained by it is quite limited. For example, to reduce the current account surplus by 1 percentage point, a 12 percent depreciation is needed. If Korea's current exchange rate is undervalued 4 to 12 percent less than the level consistent with fundamentals, it is impossible to reduce Korea's current account surplus to a reasonable level by adjusting the exchange rate alone. Another way to reduce current account surplus is to expand fiscal policies. We find, however, that the impact of fiscal adjustments in reducing current account surplus is even more limited. According to our estimates, reducing the current account surplus by 1 percentage point requires an increase in budget deficits (as a ratio to GDP) of 5 to 6 percentage points. If we allow endogenous movements of exchange rate and fiscal policy, the impact of exchange rate adjustment increases by 1.6 times but that of fiscal policy decreases that it is no longer statistically significant.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt ffytche

This article examines the impact of Freud on conservative liberal intellectuals in America particularly during the Cold War. It argues that, compared with studies of the ‘radical’ or left-wing assimilations of psychoanalysis, the Freud of the political Right has been relatively neglected. It concentrates on three figures in particular – Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz and Leo Strauss, all of whom were a major influence on the formation of American neoconservatism, and ultimately on the Bush administration at the time of the War on Terror. The article also examines the role of Lionel Trilling in mediating Freudian ideas to Kristol and Podhoretz, who were disaffected with the progressive aspects of liberalism, and shifted their allegiance to the Right by the 1980s. Freud's work, especially Civilization and its Discontents, functions as an ideological landmark at the borderline of their reflections on religion, morality, the failures of democracy and the foundations of social order.


Mathematics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (16) ◽  
pp. 1897
Author(s):  
Shaoqing Geng ◽  
Hanping Hou ◽  
Zhou Zhou

Earthquakes have catastrophic effects on the affected population, especially in undeveloped countries or regions. Minimizing the impact and consequences of earthquakes involves many decisions and disaster relief operations that should be optimized. A critical disaster management problem is to construct shelters with reasonable capacity in the right locations, allocate evacuees, and provide relief materials to them within a reasonable period. This study proposes a bi-objective hierarchical model with two stages, namely, the temporary shelter stage and the short-term shelter stage. The proposed objectives at different stages are to minimize the evacuation time, maximize the suitability based on qualitative factors, and minimize the number of sites while considering the demand, capacity, utilization, and budget constraints. The performance evaluation of the emergency shelter was carried out by fuzzy-VIKOR, and the most ideal location of the shelter was determined through multiple standards. Emergency management organizations can benefit from the collective expertise of multiple decision-makers because the proposed method uses their knowledge to automate the location and allocation process of shelters. In the case of Chengdu, Sichuan Province, China, the results of using this hybrid approach provide the government with a range of options. This method can realize the trade-off between efficiency and cost in the emergency shelter location and material distribution, and realize reliable solutions in disaster emergencies.


2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (8) ◽  
pp. 995-1017 ◽  
Author(s):  
EDWIN ELOY AGUILAR ◽  
ALEXANDER C. PACEK

Working and lower status citizens are more sensitive to macroeconomic fluctuations than their better-off counterparts in the developing world, due to the higher personal stakes involved. This heightened sensitivity affects fluctuations in voter turnout and voter choice across developing democracies. Macroeconomic downturns result in increased voter participation as more lower status voters express their grievances at the polls. This benefits political parties and coalitions with expressly working- and lower-class appeals. This article describes the impact of shifts in voter turnout on party support, the impact of macroeconomic shifts on voter turnout, and the impact of macroeconomic shifts on support for parties that are working-class/economically disadvantaged oriented using regression analysis of aggregate pooled time-series data from 10 countries in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia. Although increased turnout primarily helps parties that are working-class/economically disadvantaged oriented, as is the case in the industrial world, the economic effect on party support is substantially greater.


1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 901-911 ◽  
Author(s):  
A D H Crook

This is the third in a series of four papers describing and evaluating the British Government's policies of privatising housing. In this paper the research on the short-run impact of the low-cost homeownership programme is examined, by looking at the right to buy, shared ownership, improvement for sale, and homesteading, and at starter homes and licence schemes. The purchasers who have benefited from the programme are identified and the reasons for some of the failures of the policy to reach priority groups and areas of need are examined. An evaluation of the programme is made under three headings: the extent to which new investment is generated, the extent to which benefits are restricted to groups in need, and the long-term consequences of expanding homeownership amongst low-income groups. It is concluded that privatisation cannot be achieved without continued state support and regulation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Liangguo Qiao ◽  
Mingde Qi

In order to analyze the effects of active fiscal policy implemented in China in the context of tax and fee reduction, this paper adopts a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium model with microeconomic foundations to study the economic effects of fiscal policy based on a comprehensive consideration of the previous literature. The empirical study based on Matlab software finds that: first, active fiscal policy has a boosting effect on the economy and can stimulate the level of output to rise in the short run; second, different fiscal policy instruments have different impact mechanisms on economic variables, and the impact paths of government consumption spending and investment spending are completely inconsistent; third, the economic effects of government tax cut policies are better than government spending policies, and structural tax cut policy is softer than universal tax cuts; fourth, expansionary government investment spending has the most significant effect on output stimulation and has a very long-term impact on output level. Through the above model analysis, this paper argues that fiscal policy should play a greater role in supporting industrial restructuring, giving full play to the long-term advantages of the interest rate effect on the basis of satisfying society’s short-term needs and pursuing prosperous economic development, increasing investment in public resource areas, deepening industrial structural reforms, offsetting negative supply shocks brought by trade frictions and cross-border investment, raising long-term output levels and increasing employment opportunities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146511652098890
Author(s):  
Wouter van der Brug ◽  
Eelco Harteveld

What was the impact of the 2014–2016 refugee crisis on immigration attitudes and national identification in Europe? Several studies show that radical right parties benefitted electorally from the refugee crisis, but research also shows that anti-immigration attitudes did not increase. We hypothesize that the refugee crisis affected right-wing citizens differently than left-wing citizens. We test this hypothesis by combining individual level survey data (from five Eurobarometer waves in the 2014–2016 period) with country level statistics on the asylum applications in 28 EU member states. In Western Europe, we find that increases in the number of asylum applications lead to a polarization of attitudes towards immigrants between left- and right-leaning citizens. In the Southern European ‘arrival countries’ and in Central-Eastern Europe we find no significant effects. Nationalistic attitudes are also not affected significantly.


2016 ◽  
pp. 161-213
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stryjek

Croatia is the only modern country in Europe that gained independence (Independent State of Croatia, Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH) during World War II thanks to the cooperation of the Axis. It is now struggling with the burden of responsibility for the mass crimes committed against Serbian, Jewish, Roma and Croatian political opponents on its own initiative rather than the Third Reich’s. On the other hand, the Croats were heavily repressed by the Yugoslav Army in 1945 (the remnants of the NDH forces were killed near Bleiburg during the so-called ‘way of the cross’). The Croats were also persecuted for their independence and cultural activities in the period between 1945 and 1991 (e.g. the Croatian Spring of 1971).Since 1991, the political scene of Croatia has been dominated by two parties: the right-wing Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), which refers to the whole tradition of the independence movement with the exception of the Ustaše and NDH, and the left-wing League of Communists of Croatia (SKH), the successor of the Communist Party of Croatia. The parties fight for the memory of activities conducted by the anti-communists and communists between 1941 and 1991. They also fight to include the patriotic war’ of 1991–1995 to their symbolism and win the favour of veterans.The article examines the politics of memory pursued by the Croatian authorities in relation to the events of 1941–1991 and the main participants in the political scene in the period between 1991 and 2016. It takes account of the arguments of historians and intellectuals associated with the left and right side of the political scene. It examines the impact of international circumstances, such as Croatia’s pursuit of membership of NATO and the EU, inducing the state’s authorities to prosecute and condemn the perpetrators of crimes committed on its citizens in the years 1941–1945 and those responsible for the ethnic cleansing of 1991–1995. The author also points to the impact of individual orientations in the politics of memory on the process of Croatia’s transformation from totalitarianism to democracy and the related modernization changes.


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