scholarly journals Unresolved problems in the theory of state identity policy in Russian political science

2020 ◽  
pp. 86-110
Author(s):  
Olga Popova

The article analyzes the state of research of the state policy of identity in Russian political science as one of the most significant in the theoretical and political-practical terms of the topics of interdisciplinary body of knowledge about identity. The author shows two stages in the development of this issue in Russian political science, brings evidence of the institutionalization of this area of research. The article provides an overview of the scientific landscape of Russian research on the problem of state policy of identity, uncovers the strengths and weaknesses, as well as the stages of the formation of this topic, and determines the most significant discrepancies in the views of Russian researchers. Special attention has been given to the problem of the relationship between civil and national-state identity as a result of the implementation of the state policy of identity, the change in the role of traditional social and political institutions in this process. The problems of reducing the role of traditional and political institutions in the process of forming the political attitudes of citizens are stressed. The paper cites selected excerpts from expert interviews to confirm the differences in the views of scientists. The author focuses on the systemic problems of the development of modern Russian political science, which limit the possibilities of development of its individual directions. Among them there are unjustified subjective feelings of the seconddary nature of research and theoretical attitudes of Russian scientists, unfounded popularization of certain topics, “fashion” for specific scientific approaches, the development of citation practices on the “regional” principle. In addition, the results of the developments of scientists are in demand in real politics, which can also have its side negative effects, for example, in the form of the development of ideas about the fundamental possibility of forming a unified national-state identity with given parameters in large social groups and political communities.

Author(s):  
Valeria Seidita ◽  
Francesco Lanza ◽  
Arianna Pipitone ◽  
Antonio Chella

Abstract Motivation The epidemic at the beginning of this year, due to a new virus in the coronavirus family, is causing many deaths and is bringing the world economy to its knees. Moreover, situations of this kind are historically cyclical. The symptoms and treatment of infected patients are, for better or worse even for new viruses, always the same: more or less severe flu symptoms, isolation and full hygiene. By now man has learned how to manage epidemic situations, but deaths and negative effects continue to occur. What about technology? What effect has the actual technological progress we have achieved? In this review, we wonder about the role of robotics in the fight against COVID. It presents the analysis of scientific articles, industrial initiatives and project calls for applications from March to now highlighting how much robotics was ready to face this situation, what is expected from robots and what remains to do. Results The analysis was made by focusing on what research groups offer as a means of support for therapies and prevention actions. We then reported some remarks on what we think is the state of maturity of robotics in dealing with situations like COVID-19.


Author(s):  
Michał Strzelecki

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Masruhan Masruhan

Abstract: The role of marriage registration (recording) is important particularly in maintaining and protecting the rights of individuals to prove the marriage implementation. Registration of marriage, therefore, is governed by various related rules or regulation. Unfortunately, the registration of marriage is only as a normative one. Meanwhile, most Muslims do not obey the law of marriages arranged by the state because the law is ambiguous, having multi interpretations and difficult to implement. In fact, there are many negative effects emerging from marriage under the hands such as not getting the marriage certificate, and husband, wife and their children not being able to perform civil legal action against the genetic father who has left them. Therefore, marriage under the hand must be prevented with preventive, curative and anticipative measures. In order to produce a law that can respond to the changing demands of time, place, conditions and welfare of the spouses, the maqa>s}id al - shari>ah approach (the purpose of the law) is eligible to apply . Therefore, the government should change the law of registration of marriages that are not relevant to the state of society so that society will feel suitable with the legal registration of the marriage.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Z.Y. Belyakova ◽  
◽  
I.A. Makeeva ◽  
N.V. Stratonova ◽  
N.S. Pryanichnikova ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
David Brady ◽  
Agnes Blome ◽  
Hanna Kleider

This article explores the influence of politics and institutions on poverty and inequality. It first considers the general contention that poverty is shaped by the combination of power resources and institutions. On one hand, scholars in the power resources tradition have emphasized the role of class-based collective political actors for mobilizing “power resources” in the state and economy. On the other hand, institutionalists have highlighted the role of formal rules and regulations. The article goes on to discuss the theoretical arguments of power resources theory and the evidence for key power resources (that is, collective political actors like labor unions and parties). It also reviews institutional explanations, focusing on the key concepts and theories and as well as the evidence linking the most salient institutions to poverty. Finally, it examines how state policy influences poverty and presents several challenges for future research.


1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-968 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander De Grand

Perhaps because the subject seemed so obvious, there has been little work done on women under fascism. This omission is unfortunate not only because Fascist policy was more complicated than the general impression of it but also because it offered an interesting example of the interaction between propaganda and reality in an authoritarian society. Women played an important role in several major propaganda campaigns of fascism, such as the ruralization policy and the battle to increase the birth rate. Concern for the role of women was at the heart of the conservative and stabilizing nature of fascism and, in so far as it meant the subjugation of the private lives of citizens to the demands of the State, policy towards women reflected the totalitarian and imperialistic side of fascism as well.


1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Robertson

For a variety of reasons political science in Britain has made no serious attempt to study courts and judges as political institutions and actors. Or at least this was true until recently. Several works in the last few years, especially Griffith's, Stevens's and a forthcoming book on the law lords by Alan Paterson, have pointed to a much needed change in this attitude. However, none of them have been works of political science, even though they have considered politics. By this I mean two things: they have not principally considered the judges' thoughts as political ideology; and they have not used the techniques and assumptions of rigorous, analytic political science. Indeed one of the few slightly earlier studies of the political role of the courts in Britain, by Morrison, specifically denies that such approaches, especially the statistical approach of jurimetrics, is possible in Britain. This article is an attempt to do the impossible, not so much because the author believes that Morrison's point is necessarily wrong, but because it is never sound methodology to abandon techniques that have been useful elsewhere without trying to make them work on different data sets. But first we must attempt to characterize the judicial role, before we try any study of the politics that may be attendant on judicial ideology.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Patricia Gay Simpkin

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine the response of secondary school teachers to the Tomorrow's Schools education reforms. Their early response was made largely through their union, the Post Primary Teachers' Association (PPTA), in an industrial relations setting as the reform proposals were in development and taking their final shape. The interaction between the professional project of these teachers with the proposed reforms produced an outcome for secondary school education shaped by the interaction, rather than just by the reforms themselves. A case study situated at the intersection of industrial relations, state sector and education restructurings during the period 1984-1989 is the focus of the thesis. The argument is located within French regulationalist theory. The concept of the Keynesian Welfare National State provides a means for connecting education as part of the mode of regulation with the role of the state in New Zealand. The Fourth Labour Government entered into a political project that shifted the role of the state in the economy and society. The roots of the project lay in the discourse of economic rationalism. Policy resulting from this discourse was put into operation through legislation affecting all parts of the state. In education, the discourse of economic rationalism introduced a new approach, the values of which were at odds with those of the previous education settlement of the Keynesian Welfare National State. The object of the thesis is to trace the process of change within the secondary schools sector of education through the years 1984-1989 as the two different sets of values interacted. The assumption is made that institutional change results from a dynamic interaction between new ideas and continuities and discontinuities with the past. This allows for the possibility of the effects of agency on public policy. Analysis focuses on a series of industrial negotiations between the PPTA and the State Services Commission, the negotiating body for government. They took place as various government policy documents and resulting legislation altered the positioning of teachers within the state. The negotiations were of such a character that the educational discourses of economic rationalism and the education settlement of the Keynesian Welfare National State came into conflict and were debated at length. The thesis concludes that, by the end of the negotiations and despite the introduction of legislation on education, the values of secondary teachers remained substantially unchanged and in opposition to the intent of the government reforms.</p>


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Gershenson

The state incentivizes investors to entrust capital to public corporationsby granting shareholders enforceable rights over managers. However, theserights create legal “access points” through which social movements can makenon-pecuniary claims on the corporation. I use original historical researchon the Securities and Exchange Commission’s administration of federalsecurities law to show that concern over non-pecuniary claims motivates thestate to enact the role of “market protector.” In this role, the Commissioninsulates managers of corporations from shareholders’ claims that it deemsillegitimate because they are insufficiently profit-oriented. Thus theinverse of Polanyi’s observation that society protects itself from marketsis also true: the state creates market boundaries so that “always embedded”markets function more like autonomous, profit-oriented markets.Accordingly, the extent to which corporate democracy represents general,social interests or narrow, profit-oriented interests is largely a functionof political contestation and state policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 155-156
Author(s):  
O.G. SHCHENINA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to study the concept of a political person in the context of the anthropo-humanistic turn, which is carried out in social and humanitarian knowledge. The political science perspective of studying a person in the political space of a network society presupposes an analysis of the features of his political participation, political behavior, political activity in the context of a new social reality. The main content of the article is the study of a number of approaches of the concept under consideration in political science and the identification of the main characteristics of a political person in a network society. The author is based on the methods of content analysis, discourse analysis, a systematic approach, the results of opinion polls about the attitude of citizens to politics, their trust in socio-political institutions. The analysis showed that in a network society there are changes in the forms and types of former political practices, the participation of a modern political person in them, where, under the influence of information flows, their consciousness and worldview change. At the same time, in the context of informatization, digitalization, network, humanization of society, the role of a person in the political process will also change.


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