scholarly journals Prezydenckie orędzia do izb parlamentu w rozwiązaniach konstytucyjnych i praktyce politycznej Francji

2020 ◽  
Vol 6(161) ◽  
pp. 69-98
Author(s):  
Łukasz Jakubiak
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Institutional Context ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Third ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Constitutional Changes

The article is devoted to the presidential messages addressed to the chambers of parliament within the French political system. On the threshold of the Third Republic, the then regulations banned the President from speaking in parliament and this was also maintained under the constitutions of the Fourth and Fifth Republics. As a consequence, the presidential messages had to be read by the Presidents of the National Assembly and of the Senate. The constitutional changes introduced in 2008 created the opportunity to appear in person before the chambers of parliament assembled as Congress. This amendment has affected the practice of applying Article 18 of the 1958 Constitution, which currently regulates both forms of presidential messages. The aim of the article is to assess the impact of the 2008 amendment on the French presidency, as well as to analyze the practice of formulating messages by successive presidents of the Fifth Republic, in order to identify the basic similarities and differences between them. The wider institutional context is no less important in this respect. One of its components is the significantly strengthened position of the French head of state, compared to the Third and Fourth Republics. The latter feature of the existing system of government seems to considerably affect the presidential messages formulated from the beginning of Charles de Gaulle’s presidency until now

scholarly journals Przesłanki rozwiązania parlamentu w praktyce ustrojowej V Republiki Francuskiej

2018 ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz Jakubiak
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Lower Chamber ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Configuration

The paper discusses the grounds required for the dissolution of the parliament in the political practice of the French Fifth Republic. The Constitution of October 4, 1958 adopted a model of strengthened political power of the head of state, granting them instruments of executive influence on the functioning of other state organs. Paragraph 12 of the Constitution gives the President practically unlimited power to dissolve the National Assembly – the lower chamber of French parliament. The conditions for applying this paragraph are not stipulated in the legal regulations. It is not necessary for the President to respond to a motion of another body, or even to obtain a countersignature. These constitutional factors have led to various political practices. The author of the paper puts forward the thesis that giving freedom to the head of state as regards the application of paragraph 12 on the one hand provides the necessary foundations to exercise a power model with a considerable degree of decisiveness, but on the other may lead to a situation where the dissolution of the National Assembly no longer has a power function in its conventional sense, but serves the purpose of providing the head of state with an instrument for considerably strengthening his own political position. Since the present Constitution of the Fifth Republic has been in force, the National Assembly has been dissolved five times. The author identifies three basic grounds for applying paragraph 12: to defuse a political or social conflict (1962 and 1968), to restore a politically homogenous executive power (1981 and 1988), and to maintain a given political configuration (1997). Since the 1980s the dissolution of parliament has become a tool for the president to avoid cohabitation and, by this token, to provide a political system where the role of the leader of the executive is in the hands of the head of state. On account of the defeat of the formation supporting the president in 1997 this strategy failed to produce the expected outcome. The dissolution of the National Assembly has not taken place since. In 2000, the length of the mandate of the head of state was shortened to five years, which makes it more likely for parliamentary elections to occur directly after presidential elections. This may for a long time to come eliminate the main grounds for the dissolution of the lower chamber, which in the 1980s and 1990s stemmed from the desire to ensure a political system favorable for the head of state. This reason alone may mean that the significance of paragraph 12 in the political practice of the Fifth Republic will continue to be limited.

Voters reward hard-working MPs: empirical evidence from the French legislative elections

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel François ◽  
Julien Navarro
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vote Share ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Legislative Election

AbstractThis paper studies the relationship between incumbent MPs’ activities and their electoral fortune. We address this question in the context of the French political system characterized by an executive domination, a candidate-centered electoral system, and an electoral schedule maximizing the impact of the presidential elections. Given the contradictory influence of these three institutional features on the relationship between MPs’ activities and electoral results, the overall link can only be assessed empirically. We test the effects of several measurements of MPs’ activities on both their vote share and reelection probability in the 2007 legislative election. We show that MPs’ activities are differently correlated to both the incumbents’ vote shares in the first round and their reelection. Despite the weakness of the French National Assembly, several parliamentary activities, especially bill initiation, have a significant effect on MPs’ electoral prospects.

The Ambivalent Ralliement of La Croix

1980 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106
Author(s):  
Oscar Arnal
Keyword(s):  
Editorial Policy ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Third ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Dreyfus Affair ◽  
The Impact

Beyond a doubt, the newspaper La Croix and its publisher, the Maison de la Bonne Presse, have played a central role in French Catholic journalism for over thirty years. Indeed, it was the leading Catholic press voice of the Third Republic from the Dreyfus Affair to the fall of France. No newspaper of Catholic inspiration could seriously contest its circulation dominance, with the possible exception of the Breton Christian Democratic L'Ouest-Eclair. However, the impact of this latter daily was limited to western France, and by the time it outdistanced La Croix's circulation, it had largely abandoned its Catholic or Christian character. La Croix, on the other hand, was known and read throughout France and remained forthrightly Catholic throughout the life of the Third Republic. Its editorial policy was openly papal, and it sought consciously to be the organ of the French Catholic masses.

Femme Fatale as Scapegoat: the Modernity of Aimée Desclée

1990 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 365-378
Author(s):  
John Stokes
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Early Death ◽  
Femme Fatale ◽  
Paris Commune ◽  
Female Desire ◽  
New Realism ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The University ◽  
The Impact

A scandalously successful life as an actress and a tragically early death seemed to cast Aimée Desclée in a stereotypical romantic mould, as did a succession of emotionally-fraught roles, notably in the plays of the younger Dumas. But contemporaries praised the new realism she brought to the passionately wayward women she portrayed. In what did this ‘realism’ consist, and in whose eyes did the virtual equation of female desire with neurosis constitute ‘reality’? John Stokes, who teaches in the Department of English in the University of Warwick, here follows an outline of her career and its context with detailed examinations of the creation, nature, and reception of her most famous roles – finally exploring the effects of the events surrounding the creation of the Third Republic and the impact of the Paris Commune of 1870 on the way in which male playwrights and audiences perceived the women she played in her later years. John Stokes recently contributed the section on Bernhardt to Bernhardt. Terry. Duse: the Actress in her Time, with Michael Booth and Susan Bassnett (Cambridge, 1988).

THE ‘MILCH-COW STATE’ REVISITED: REPUBLICAN POLITICS IN THE AVEYRON

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 743-768 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN SIMPSON
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Alternative Conception ◽  
The Third ◽  
Local Services ◽  
Material Benefits ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Impact

This article examines the ‘republicanization’ of the Aveyron under the Third Republic, exploring issues of the practice and meaning of politics in this rural département. I look at the impact of the Republic's efforts to secularize education and ask on what grounds a département that emphatically rejected the secular/anti-clerical programme of the Republic could nonetheless eventually vote republican. This opens up questions of peasant understandings of politics. In particular I refer to the work of P. M. Jones who has written on this area, attributing republican success to the material benefits offered by the ‘milch-cow state’ and forceful administrative intervention. I argue that whilst the action of the Republic was significant, the success of the republicans rested on more than their ability to deliver local services. Republican politics in the Aveyron succeeded in redefining republicanism, arriving at an alternative conception of the Republic that was acceptable to the strongly Catholic and politicized electorate. We need to move away from any ideas of a single opportunist republicanism to realize that there were multiple conceptions of the Republic and a range of local republicanisms forged in relation to the circumstances of the individual French peripheries.

Race and Identity: Appraisals in France of Meyerbeer on his 1891 Centenary

2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Kerry Murphy
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
July Monarchy ◽  
Short Discussion ◽  
The Third ◽  
Paris Opera ◽  
Dreyfus Affair ◽  
French Composers ◽  
The Impact

This article examines the ways in which critics and music historians in the Third Republic wrote about Meyerbeer's national and racial identity focusing particularly on the period around the time of the centenary of his birth, the period just before the explosion of the Dreyfus affair. The centenary of Meyerbeer's birth was celebrated in November 1891, by a performance to a packed audience at the Paris Opéra. Critics marked the centenary by writing substantial articles about Meyerbeer.Although many of Meyerbeer's contemporary critics conferred honorary French citizenship on him, by 1891 a significant number saw him as lacking any national identity. This should be seen in the context of a period in which French composers were intensely debating the issue of their own national identity, and clearly since the Franco-Prussian war, they were no longer so complacent about welcoming a German as a Frenchman. Yet the perceptions of Meyerbeer's lack of national identity were also often motivated by negative associations of Meyerbeer as Jew.Derogatory stereotypes of the Jewish composer are present in Meyerbeer criticism from the July Monarchy onwards, but in the early days of the Third Republic they change slightly in focus and also, as might be expected, become more overtly stated. This article presents a brief overview of this change in focus and concentrates on a number of discrete topics: eclecticism, nationhood, originality and artistic capitulation. The examination of this last topic leads to a short discussion of the impact of Wagner on the musical world at this time, and the effect that this had on Meyerbeer reception. The centenary celebrations occurred only two months after the success ofLohengrinat the Opéra (16 September 1891) and the proximity of the two events caused many critics to ponder whether the celebrations marked the end of Meyerbeer's reign at the Opéra and the beginning of the reign of Wagner. The centenary event forced critics to take a position on Meyerbeer's current standing in the operatic world.

scholarly journals Efektywna demokracja parlamentarna Michela Debré

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
Kazimierz M. Ujazdowski
Keyword(s):  
Critical Thinking ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
French Model

EFFECTIVE PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY BY MICHEL DEBRÉIn the 1930s, France epitomized a weakness of parliamentary democracy. Third Republic, that was recognized by many European countries as a model political system, was actually hit by a grave crisis combined with an increase of popularity of authoritarian trends. Undoubtedly, ineffectiveness of the French model of parliamentary democracy contributed to the fall of republican France in 1940. An in-depth and interesting analysis, which may also be recognized as an attempt made to overcome the weaknesses of parliamentary democracy, was put forward by Michel Debré in his writings published in the WWII years. One of the reasons why his draft of a rationalized parlia­mentary system deserves special attention is that this document inspired establishment of the Fifth Republic. Debré offered an exceptional lesson of critical thinking about the political system. This outstanding lawyer was able to correctly identify and effectively eliminate the vices of parliament­ary governments.

Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 31

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Jewish Communities ◽  
Central European ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
The World ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Jewish Involvement ◽  
The Impact

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Jewish communities of Poland and Hungary were the largest in the world and arguably the most culturally vibrant, yet they have rarely been studied comparatively. Despite the obvious similarities, historians have mainly preferred to highlight the differences and emphasize instead the central European character of Hungarian Jewry. Collectively, the chapters here offer a different perspective. The volume has five sections. The first compares Jewish acculturation and integration in the two countries, analysing the symbiosis of magnates and Jews in each country's elites and the complexity of integration in multi-ethnic environments. The second considers the similarities and differences in Jewish religious life, discussing the impact of Polish hasidism in Hungary and the nature of 'progressive' Judaism in Poland and the Neolog movement in Hungary. Jewish popular culture is the theme of the third section, with accounts of the Jewish involvement in Polish and Hungarian cabaret and film. The fourth examines the deterioration of the situation in both countries in the interwar years, while the final section compares the implementation of the Holocaust and the way it is remembered. The volume concludes with a long interview with the doyen of historians of Hungary, István Deák.

‘Our imperiled age’: an unfinished dialogue between Carl Jung and Karl Stern

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 180-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Raphael Burston
Keyword(s):  
Psychology Of Religion ◽  
Carl Jung ◽  
The Third ◽  
Psychoanalysis And Religion ◽  
Unpublished Letter ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
The Impact

Karl Stern was a Catholic psychiatrist in Montreal who published extensively on psychoanalysis and religion from 1951 to 1965. He sent a copy of his second book, The Third Revolution (1954) to Jung, who responded warmly in a (hitherto unpublished) letter dated 30 April 1960. The paper ponders the similarities and differences between Stern and Jung's approach to the psychology of religion, and the impact that Jung's belated response to Stern's book might have had on Stern subsequently.

scholarly journals Twitter, the End of Bipartisan Politics and the Rise of Populism. The Spanish Campaign in May 2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (71) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Gelado-Marcos ◽  
Belén Puebla-Martínez ◽  
Rainer Rubira-García
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political System ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Communication Tools ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Fragmented Distribution ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Introduction: The seemingly unshakable bipartisan political system in Spain started to crumble in the wake of the European Elections of 2014, giving way to a more fragmented distribution of seats. Such process crystallised in the Regional Elections of 2015, highlighting an already anticipated decay of traditional parties PP and PSOE and rise of populist parties like Podemos. Materials and Methods: Focusing on the discourse of Spanish politicians on Twitter, as one of the most recent political communication tools politicians had to learn to deal with, this paper offers a triangulation of quantitative and qualitative analysis. Results: We discuss, from a communication perspective, similarities and differences among parties and politicians on whether communication 2.0 changed and/or enriched political discourse leading up to a redistribution of parliamentary seats. Discussion: This paper stress the impact of social networks and the implementation of different communication strategies to address the collapse of bipartisanship in Spain.

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