scholarly journals CHINA’S SHIFTING BEHAVIOUR TOWARDS SOUTH KOREA IN THAAD CRISIS RESOLUTION IN KOREAN PENINSULA

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Ganang Wira Pradana

ABSTRACTThe THAAD crisis between South Korea and China occurred due to the installation of the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) system by South Korea with the help of the United States which was considered as a threat to China's national security. China strongly opposed the installation of the defense system and imposed unofficial sanctions in a form of a boycott in the field of South Korean tourism, products, and pop culture, which provided significant losses due to China's retaliation. After the South Korean state visit to China which was held in Beijing, China’s boycott was later lifted, but the THAAD installed in South Korea remain stayed and deployed. Thus the question arises about why China chose to soften and not force the South Koreans to withdraw THAAD. This article uses the qualitative research method of literature studies and uses variables of foreign policy theory by Yuen Foon Khong as the theoretical framework in this paper. Therefore, it can be seen that China's softening of the THAAD issue is caused by the influence of China’s "peripheral diplomacy" foreign policy and the shifting of Chinese behavior so that China does not impose its will on the South Korean THAAD system to maintain good relations with South Korea as a peripheral country. Keywords: China, China’s Behavior, Foreign Policy, South Korea, THAAD

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
pp. 123-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaewoo CHOO

The election of Moon Jae-in in South Korea signals a shift to a more conciliatory approach towards North Korea. Moon’s basic strategy towards the North contradicts that of the United States, emphasising a “dual-track” policy of seeking North Korea’s denuclearisation while calling for dialogue to facilitate inter-Korean summit and not North Korea’s denuclearisation. Moon’s acceptance of China’s “Three oppositions” to the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defence is controversial as they are not within Korea’s jurisdiction.


2021 ◽  
pp. 096701062110228
Author(s):  
Seungsook Moon

This article explores the neglected connection between race and militarism by focusing on a US missile defense system deployed in South Korea. In September of 2017, the two countries installed the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system in a rural village. Manufactured by Lockheed Martin, this missile defense system was to protect South Korea from attacks by North Korea. The system is integral to US global military strategy, but from the perspective of human security, its benefits are dubious at best. By drawing on a theory of the ‘racial state’ and critical studies of the US empire-state, the article examines two fundamental practices of the neocolonial military relation between the two states: wartime Operational Control of the South Korean military and extraterritoriality of US bases in South Korea. It argues that these neocolonial practices in which the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system deployment is embedded reflect ‘the historicist racial ruling’ that denies self-rule for Koreans and its internalization by Koreans who support the unequal military relation. It also analyzes how the South Korean racial state promotes internal homogeneity and otherizes North Korea to bolster national security through the missile defense system.


2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shida Rastegari Henneberry ◽  
Seong-huyk Hwang

The first difference version of the restricted source-differentiated almost ideal demand system is used to estimate South Korean meat demand. The results of this study indicate that the United States has the most to gain from an increase in the size of the South Korean imported meat market in terms of its beef exports, while South Korea has the most to gain from this expansion in the pork market. Moreover, the results indicate that the United States has a competitive advantage to Australia in the South Korean beef market. Results of this study have implications for U.S. meat exports in this ever-changing policy environment.


Significance The recent fall in the price of oil was expected to provide a timely boost to the South Korean economy, but its performance in the first quarter of 2015, though rebounding from the previous quarter, has been below expectations. Beset by slowing exports and weak domestic demand, the mood in both the business and household sectors is downbeat. Impacts Absent a sustained growth rebound (or some kind of foreign policy breakthrough), Park's presidency will be seen as a failure. Deflation could threaten South Korea if there is no adjustment to monetary policy. An FTA with China will boost South Korean exports only in the longer term. The sharp depreciation of the euro will make Europe a challenging market for South Korea for now.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Wan-Soo Lee ◽  
Min-Kyu Lee ◽  
Seok Kang ◽  
Jae-Woong Yoo

This study explored a comparative analysis of how the South Korean and United States media framed the Samsung–Apple patent lawsuit. The South Korean and U.S. media have a tendency to report Samsung–Apple patent disputes in a completely different angle. While framing in favor of Samsung was frequent in South Korea, neutral frames were dominant in the United States. The South Korean newspapers showed a stronger nationalism in favor of Samsung, whereas the U.S. newspapers portrayed the business conflict in the market logic. The South Korean and U.S. newspapers also showed differences in framing according to the ideological characteristics of the newspaper. In South Korea, the main conservative newspaper ( Chosun Ilbo) framed the issue in favor of Samsung and the largest liberal newspaper ( Hankyoreh) revealed a tendency to frame it in favor of Apple. However, in the United States, only the main business newspaper ( Wall Street Journal) favored Apple. This study contributes to news framing research in that socio-cultural divergences, framing pool (e.g., generic frames vs. issue-specific frames), and journalistic contexts considered systematically.


2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Soonhee Kim

This paper anlyzes the family-friendly policies and benefits currently offered by public organizations in South Korea and the United States. This study found that leaves of absence are the first types of family-friendly policy that reflect an acknowledgement on the part of government agencies in South Korea and the United States aht both men and women must face work/family conflicts in their lives. The South Korean government provides more generous leave policies than those of the American public sector. Hoewver, several family-friendly benefits provided by federal agencies in the United States, including flexible workplace and telecommuting programs, job sharing, and dependent care counseling and referral services were rarely offered by the South Korean government. Finally, the paper discussed policy implications and emphasizes managerial leadership affecting the implementation process behind these policies in public agencies.


China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-326
Author(s):  
Seong-Hyon Lee

South Korea’s quest to become a middle power, articulated through autonomy in foreign policy, has been challenged in the ambience of great power competition reality between the USA and China. This article delineates South Korean foreign policy’s complex nature in the evolving East Asian regional context, focusing on Seoul’s relationship with China in particular. Many observers noted that South Korea has in recent years been increasingly leaning towards China, despite the fact that it is a military-pact ally of the USA. It also comes as a bewilderment to outsiders to notice that South Korea has been ‘cold-shouldering’ Japan, the world’s number three economy. It does not necessarily mean that Seoul maintains good relations with China either. The two nations have yet to overcome the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) dispute. This article also scrutinises how the USA plays an important role in South Korea’s relations with its two neighbours. Seoul has been in search of diplomatic autonomy between the world’s two most powerful nations. The process has been tumultuous. The future outlook seems uncertain.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Vierthaler

Abstract The emergence of the South Korean New Right movement in the mid-2000s led to the questions of how to commemorate and evaluate the ROK state establishment in 1948, and when to precisely trace such a “foundation” (1919 or 1948?) to be vividly discussed in South Korean society. Was 1948 primarily a political division? Or was it a “foundation for success”? Following the 2008 Foundation Day Dispute, a significant number of scholarly works on the subject has been produced. This article analyses the conservative side of this discourse, approaching the foundation dispute as a conservative attempt to regain hegemony over South Korean Cultural memory in post-democratisation South Korea. Analysing New Right-authored historiography on the subject of “foundation,” the present study discloses how conservatives narrated the formative years of the South Korean state, arguing that merely dismissing the New Right as historical revisionists is too simple a conclusion. Rather, this article argues that struggles over Cultural memory are rooted in the ideological and institutional polarisation of South Korean intellectuals in contemporary South Korea. Furthermore, by contextualising the Foundation View against progressive historiography within South Korea as well as Cold War history in a global context, this study answers why the Foundation View ultimately failed to gain acceptance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
O. S. Pugacheva

The development of the socio-humanitarian dimension of world politics provides new opportunities for enhancing the role and influence of the middle powers in the global affairs. That is why for understanding and assessment of their political opportunities on the international arena, it is necessary to analyze the approaches and policies of such countries on using socio-humanitarian factor to balance in the existing world balance power and ensure their foreign policy interests. The aim of the article is to analyze South Korea’s activities in the social and humanitarian sphere of world politics in the context of its foreign policy interests. The research question is: what is the role of the socio-humanitarian factor, in particular public diplomacy, in the external activities of South Korea with regard to the settlement of the Korean question? The author argues that South Korea sees social and humanitarian sphere as a possibility to strengthen its role and influence on the international arena. While developing the discourse of South Korea as a middle power, the South Korean leadership seeks to take part in creating norms and rules in different fields of global governance. Despite controversies concerning its status and policy as that of a middle power, South Korea advances through public diplomacy the discourse that constructs and enhance its middle power status and can contribute in forming the corresponding national identity. South Korea uses national branding as well to strengthen its political image. Further, the article points out that promoting South Korea’s stance and defending its interests on the Korean Peninsula represent a key task of South Korea’s public diplomacy. In particular, the article examines South Korea’s public diplomacy mechanisms on the Korean track towards the United States and emphasizes that although South Korea has actively engaged in public diplomacy in the USA, it still has a lot to do to explain South Korea's concerns to American political elites and U.S. publics and ensure that the relationship with the United States fully serves South Korean interests. Moreover, it is noted that enhancing South Korea’s role in global governance as well as forming constructive unification discourse (unification as a process now and as a result someday in the future) within the country and abroad are supposed to expand its opportunities to maneuver in the regional politics of East Asia and provide support for the South Korean initiatives on the Korean settlement. In the end, the author turns to the inter-Korean relations. The author states that different South Korean administrations have prioritized different functions of the socio-humanitarian factor. Conservative administrations put an emphasis on information pressure on the DPRK while the development of inter-Korean relations was conditioned by the denuclearization of North Korea. Progressive administrations prefer engaging the DPRK in social, humanitarian and economic interactions. In the first case the result was a rollback in inter-Korean relations with the North Korean leader-ship receiving additional grounds for the development of its military nuclear program. In the second case the social and humanitarian area was and remains a dimension providing promising opportunities for cooperation that is beneficial to the both parties as it is aimed at solving specific and practical problems of common interest. In that sense, the author argues that social and humanitarian factor in inter-Korean relations could serve as a safety cushion during intensification of the inter-Korean conflict and provide a launch pad for finding a way out of the impasses.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-213
Author(s):  
Asinauli Tamba

In July 2016, South Korea agreed with its military alliance, the United States to install Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) on its territory. This agreement is the embodiment of the interests of the two countries that were integrated. The United States's interests in spreading influence in the East Asian region and South Korea's interests in protecting the country from North Korea's nuclear test practices on the Korean Peninsula. But the THAAD installation was rejected by China, which considers the instrument as the trigger of tensions in the region and hampering China’s dominance. In expressing its disapproval, China imposed economic sanctions by boycott on South Korean-owned cultural industrial products, namely hallyu. In October 2017, South Korea approved China's request to change its THAAD policy through points listed in the Three NOs. The significant changes in South Korean foreign policy are questionable in this study. This study uses the theory of neorealism as a logical thinking and suggests that hallyu as the main reason for the political maneuvering chosen by South Korea as a boycott of China as the main market share of the hallyu has crippled the South Korean economy. South Korea chose a bandwagoning strategy in the midst of threats in order to be able to maintain the production and distribution of cultural products which are currently the main source of foreign exchange for the country. This research uses qualitative research methods with data collection by literature study.   Keywords: South Korea, China, United States, THAAD, Boycott, Cultural Industry, Hallyu.


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