scholarly journals Anthropogenic Elements of the Cultural Landscape of the Island Goli Otok in Croatia

Prostor ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1 (61)) ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Vladi Bralić ◽  
Damir Krajnik

The island Goli otok (north Adriatic, Croatia) cultural landscape is a complex system of interactions between people and nature, which has arisen through the anthropogenic use of this unique natural space with the aim of implementing ideas of the ideological re-education of political prisoners between 1949 and 1956, and the punishment of criminals and some political prisoners between 1956 and 1988. The most significant elements of the cultural landscape of the island are comprised of the anthropogenic structures of the political prison camp which deliberately used the natural features of the landscape in such a way as to enable methods of coercion of prisoners, which finally resulted in the unique identity of the space as a unit.

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 697-709
Author(s):  
Jock Macleod

AS AN UNDERGRADUATE IN THE1970s, my introduction to the 1890s was perfunctory. Squeezed into a couple of weeks in the middle of a year-long course on “Victorian and Modern Literature,” the literature of the decade was reduced to aestheticism and decadence and presented as something of a preliminary to the real business of modernism. Such a focus reflected the scholarship of the time, in which thefin de sièclewas constructed as a moment of transition, one in which the political and socio-ethical dimensions so central to high Victorian literature were evacuated, as arguments for the autonomy of art came to dominate the literary cultural landscape. The organising principle was one of bifurcation: the separating out ofavant gardefrom bourgeois culture, the high from the low and, of particular relevance to this essay, literature from politics.


Author(s):  
Kuzma A. Yakimov

The work is devoted to the study of the generalized sociographic image of the cohort of Jewish revolutionaries. The participation of Jews in the revolution is seen as an integral part of the all-Russian revolutionary process. In the course of the study, the role and place of Jews in the Rus-sian revolutionary movement in the late 19th – early 20th centuries was clarified and concretized. Thanks to the analysis of a personalized electronic database on Jewish revolutionaries, created on the basis of materials from the All-Union Society of Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers, the structure of social origin, level of education and type of activity of the left wing of politically ac-tive Jewry has been analyzed. The features of the political socialization of Jews, constrained by restrictive articles of Jewish legislation, are shown. We come to the conclusion that such a signifi-cant percentage of Jews in the revolutionary movement is explained both by the long-term devel-opment of the revolutionary liberation movement in the Pale of Settlement, and by the existence of numerous restrictions for representatives of the Jewish nationality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asep Saefuddin

COMMUNICATION Membangun Sistem Pendidikan Nasional, Mewujudkan Manusia Indonesia yang Unggul dan Berkarakter Abstrak Tulisan pendek ini merupakan pemikiran awal yang dihasilkan dari pandangan penulis yang bertujuan untuk memperbaiki kondisi pendidikan di negeri ini dari tingkat dasar sampai perguruan tinggi. Tulisan ini menekankan bahwa pendidikan merupakan sebuah sistem yang kompleks yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dari konteks politik, budaya dan ekonomi baik di tingkat lokal, nasional, regional, maupun internasional. Pendidikan sebagai suatu sistem kompleks, terdiri atas banyak komponen yang berinteraksi pada beberapa lapisan organisasi dan pada skala waktu yang berbeda. Kata Kunci: pendidikan, sistem kompleks Building a National Education System, Realize of indonesian people that Characterless and Excellence Abstract This short article is an initial thoughts resulting from the view of the author that aims to improve the state of education in this country from primary to university level. This paper emphasizes that education is a complex system that can not be separated from the political, cultural and economic at the local, national, regional, and international levels. Education as a complex system, consisting of many components that interact at multiple levels of the organization and at different time scales. Keywords: education, complex systems


X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohand Oulmas ◽  
Amina Abdessemed-Fouda ◽  
Ángel Benigno González Avilés

Assassing the defensibility of the pre-colonial defensive architecture in Algeria: case study on the medieval fortified villagesAlgeria’s pre-colonial towns of the medieval period still exist in different typologies, ranging from the isolated buildings (forts, castles) and town enclosures to whole urban units (fortified villages, defensives towns). Indeed, the constituent of these fortresses was their defense system, characterized by its large dimension, constituted essentially by the enclosure wall, and architectural features of defensiveness correlated with the outside and the inside of the fortresses. This paper aims to evaluate the relationship between physical landscape, built defensive features and cultural values of the medieval fortified villages in Algeria, two medieval fortified villages in our case “Kalaa of Beni Abbes” in Bejaia and “Kalaa of Beni Rached” in Oran, that we identified as an evolved landscape and interpreted as complex system (both defensive architecture and continuing cultural landscape). This current study consists of quantifying the defensiveness degree of these sites situated within different contexts, in fact, this method ensures to identify the strategy adopted to be protected against different invasions. However, in order to achieve this we calculate a spatial defensiveness index (DI) of these sites. The parameters of our choice are related to the implantation site, the elevation, the visibility and the geometrical shape, which allow us to estimate the defensiveness degree of the defense system of our case studies.


2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann W. Unger

The Scots language plays a key role in the political and cultural landscape of contemporary Scotland. From a discourse-historical perspective, this article explores how language ideologies about the Scots language are realized linguistically in a so-called ‘languages strategy’ drafted by the Scottish Executive, and in focus groups consisting of Scottish people. This article shows that although the decline of Scots is said to be a ‘tragedy’, focus group participants seem to reject the notion of Scots as a viable, contemporary language that can be used across a wide range of registers. The policy document also seems to construct Scots in very positive terms, but is shown to be unhelpful or potentially even damaging in the process of changing public attitudes to Scots.


Author(s):  
Victoria Smolkin

This chapter examines militant atheism under Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin, focusing on how the Bolsheviks approached religion from the revolution in 1917 until Stalin's death in 1953. Using legal and administrative regulation, extralegal repression and terror, and militant atheist propaganda, the Bolsheviks sought to build a new Communist world, remake society, and transform human nature. The chapter first provides a background on Russia's “old world” in order to understand the political, social, and cultural landscape that the Bolsheviks inherited when they seized power in October 1917. It then considers the Marxist–Leninist framework within which the Bolsheviks understood religion, the Bolsheviks' atheist propaganda and scientific enlightenment, and byt (culture of everyday life) as the final frontier in the Bolshevik Party's war against religion. It also describes the Bolshevik Party's adoption of the Stalinist religious policy, Stalin's wartime rapprochement with the Russian Orthodox Church, and his decision to abandon atheism.


1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-485 ◽  

Following an investigation resulting from the request by the government of Venezuela that the Council of the Organizationof American States (OAS) ask the Inter-American Peace Committee to look into the flagrant and widespread violations of human rights by the government of the Dominican Republic, the Committee, in a special report, allegedly concurred with the charges, stressing its opinion that international tensions in the Caribbean had increased and would continue to increase, so long as the Dominican Republic persisted in its repressive policies. On the basis of evidence collected during its four-month investigation, the Committee condemned such practices as the denial of free assembly and free speech, arbitrary arrest, cruel and inhuman treatment of political prisoners, and the use of intimidation and terror as political weapons. Despite reports of 1,000 arrests for subversive activities, the Dominican Republic had accounted for only 222 such arrests and had pointed to acts of elemency granted to many of these people; the Committee had, however, been barred from visiting the country. Desirous nevertheless of avoiding any step which might adversely affect the fate of the political prisoners, and in the hope that the Dominican Republic would decree an amnesty on Easter, April 17, the Committee postponed making a pronouncement on the case; instead, it merely issued a general report on April 14 on the relationship between violations of human rights and the political tensions affecting the peace of the Hemisphere. In the later special report the Committee noted that the hope of an amnesty had turned out to be unfounded, and that it had therefore decided to examine all the information available to it, mosdy in the form either of testimony from exiles and other nationals who had recently been in the Dominican Republic or of extensive and reliable press material.


1926 ◽  
Vol XLI (CLXIV) ◽  
pp. 526-555
Author(s):  
R. C. WATT

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 024
Author(s):  
Rose Duroux

Nothing more usual than to find Spanish refugees of 1939 in the French Resistance as they continued their fight against fascism. Therefore, hundreds of Spaniards where caught in the nets of the Vichy Government and the Gestapo. They are imprisoned in the French jails (Toulouse, Montluc, Fresnes, Compiègne, etc.) alongside the French Resistant women. Both will be piled up in wagons to the camps of the Third Reich. Many ended at the women’s camp in Ravensbrück. Usually, the Spaniards were labelled “F”, “French”, because they were arrested in France. This “F” was part of the “red triangle” of the “political prisoners”. Some were even classified NN (Nacht und Nebel), i.e. called to disappear without a trace. As they were recognized by nobody (neither the French nor the Spaniards), this means: no mail, no parcels. They held on for life thanks to the links they forged randomly across blocks, satellite camps, languages, affinities... However, many died. For some of them, the release arrived in April 1944, thanks to “neutral” countries initiatives: in fact, a few Spanish women were able to slip into the Red Cross convoys transiting through Switzerland, which were initially reserved for French women. Others returned by Sweden. Others, finally, faced the apocalyptic evacuation of the camps of 1945 and the “marches of death”. We propose to study “the return to life” helps through some cases – obviously return to France since there could be no possible repatriation for these Spanish anti-fascist survivors, as the victory of the Allies did not affect General Franco’s power. After returning to France, this help continued for two or three years, in particular thanks to convalescent stays in Switzerland, Sweden and somewhere else, and thanks to one-off material contributions from the Swiss Grant (“Don suisse”) or from various organizations.


Author(s):  
Padraic Kenney

In an ordinary prison, the goal is to rehabilitate its inmates; in the political prison, the state demonstrates its power to detain, confine, name, and torture or at the very least discomfort and inhibit a group of people who claim to oppose it. Often state leaders learn that they have to negotiate with prisoners and treat them as potential partners. Rendered illegible by the state’s prison, prisoners create their own illegibility and confuse the prison, refusing its terms. As they create communal structures, engage in protest, and invent prison universities, political prisoners create a new narrative and wrest back their own agency, forcing the regime to respond. Political imprisonment thus has an effect quite different from that intended by the regime. The conclusion looks briefly at the role of prisoners during and after transformations in Poland, Northern Ireland, and South Africa.


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