FEATURES OF THE POLITICAL REGIME IN MODERN RUSSIA: COMPARATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS

Globus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariya Aleksandrovna Voronkova
2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Gennady A. Borisov ◽  
Vladimir G. Krikun ◽  
Victoria V. Kutko ◽  
Vitaly V. Penskoy ◽  
Svetlana V. Sherstobitova

In this article features of political regime development in the Russian state of the Moscow era (the end of the XV-XVII centuries) are considered in the general context of the European early-modern states of the XVI-XVII centuries formation and evolution. Use of new methodological approaches and deeper and at the same time original approach to the analysis of both narrative, and assembly materials allow to conclude that, despite unusual, at first sight, features of development of the Russian state during the considered period (those natural and geographical conditions caused first of all by character it developed in), Russia can be put in one row with such early-modern states as France, Spain or the Ottoman Empire. For all of them who are not possessing the developed officialdom and so developed fiscal institutes and power tools (represented by regular army, police and so forth), the aspiration to find a certain balance of interests between raison d’État (understanding as it first of all interest dynastic) and bien public (that it is first of all interest of the most active and influential part of society, "the political nation" in the political plan) as it guaranteed the power necessary legitimacy, obedience and support from society as indispensable conditions of more or less effective functioning of power institutes is inherent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 88-102
Author(s):  
A.V. GLUKHOVA ◽  
◽  
D.V. SHCHEGLOVA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to study the conditions and consequences of reforming the political system by adjusting the Constitution as its political and legal basis. The research methodology in solving the assigned tasks is the political, legal and legal approaches in the interpretation of the legality and legitimacy of the decisions made; systemic, communicative and conflictological approaches in assessing the transformation of the political and legal foundations of the political regime. An all-Russian expert survey was conducted (70 experts, 25 cities of the Russian Federation), which made it possible to assess the content of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in terms of the emergence of risks to the stability of the political system. As a result of the performed political science analysis, the attitude of experts to the content and procedure for amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation was revealed. According to experts, the most illegal are (in descending order): "zeroing" of presidential terms; popular vote; form of amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Among those who consider the amendments to be legal, there are more representatives of two age cohorts: up to 40 years old and over 64 years old, although negative assessments remain dominant in this case. Middle-aged people are more critical. The scientific degree (doctors / candidates of science), as well as the field of professional activity (lawyers / non-lawyers) practically do not differ in assessing the legal nature of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation (with the exception of certain points).


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


2021 ◽  
pp. 955-973
Author(s):  
Manoel Bittencourt

After four decades of racial segregation, South Africa transitioned to a non-racial democracy in 1994. Inevitably for a country with segregationist labour market policies for so long, South Africa is also one of the most unequal countries in the world. In order to take an overview of government debt in South Africa, this chapter looks at macroeconomic performance but also at how the political regime characteristics and inequality have interplayed with government debt during the 1970–2016 period. The data suggest that economic growth correlates negatively with debt and that democracy correlates positively with debt. In addition, the data do not suggest that democratic maturity is already associated with lower debt nor that the outgoing apartheid-era National Party bequeathed the young democracy with high debt. Encouragingly, the data do suggest that inequality and public expenditure on education correlate positively with debt, which suggests that the democratic government has the median voter in mind when creating debt and also that part of the debt is being invested in human capital formation.


2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

An examination of the speeches of modern Canada’s “founding fathers” reveals that they were openly antidemocratic. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on similar studies of the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term democracy in Canada shows that the country’s association with democracy was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the country’s political regime. Rather, it was the result of discursive strategies employed by the political elite to strengthen its ability to mobilize the masses during the World Wars.


2021 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
V. A. Grechenko

The relevance of the research topic is due to theoretical and practical significance of the problems of combating economic crime in modern conditions. In this regard, the issue of the effectiveness of the modernized police in accordance with the new tasks is of great importance. The original experience of combating economic crime was gained in previous years, but especially specific in this case were the 1950s, when there was departure from Stalin’s criminal policy, when the liberalization of the political regime and economic reforms began. In general, the country had a new political and economic situation. Various perpetrators also tried to take advantage of this, so the fight against both criminal and economic crime continued to be relevant in the new conditions. This topic is not enough studied in the historical and legal literature. Economic crime has been studied in the article in the sense that it was exactly in the specified historical period. For the first time in the historical and legal literature we studied the activities of the police to combat economic crime in the middle of 1950s, demonstrated certain achievements and shortcomings in this work, its management by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR. The historical and legal analysis of the normative acts regulating the work of militia in the specified sphere has been carried out. New archival documents have been introduced into scientific circulation, which made it possible to expand and deepen the scientific understanding of police activities during this period, to give it greater objectivity and reliability. The main attention has been paid to the fight against economic crime by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR; the author has demonstrated the shortcomings observed by the Ministry in this work, the ways to overcome them. It has been emphasized that the analysis of these phenomena by the staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was not always in-depth; there were repetitions and superficial judgments. The data characterizing the state of economic crime in the Republic in 1954-1955 has been provided.


Author(s):  
Elena Sevostyanova ◽  
Olesya Ul'yanova

The object of this research is the regional charity and its transformation after February 1917, while the subject is the public charity in Transbaikal during the Civil War and political regime of the ataman G. Semenov. The research relies on the archival sources and periodical press materials. Using the systematic methodological principle, the topic is viewed in strong correlation with the events that unfolded in the society, taking into account structural, genetic, and functional relationships. The article is divided into parts, each of which reflects one of the facets of the articulated problem: disastrous fall in living standards of the population, household difficulties and psychological state peculiarities; crisis of the system of state care and collapse of the imperial system of organized public charity; public initiatives in the sphere of charity (forms, main recipients); “techniques” for encouraging charity used by the administration of the ataman G. Semenov. The conclusion is made that charitable activity overall during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov retained. This was important, particularly in the conditions of declining living standards and growing number of destitute people, given that the circle of those eligible for receiving welfare has reduced, including for ideological reasons. The main recipients of public charity remained the orphans. Charity events for the own benefit, conducted by the educational institutions and ethnic diasporas, became a noticeable trend. The charity evenings for supporting the military, which in the early going appeared to be unregulated by Semenov’s administration, were prohibited. The authorities, interested in retaining public charity, often resorted to coercive measures fort its stimulation, including threats to habitual activity of the residents. The population was actively forced to donate for the army. The article reveals the methods of psychological pressure and coercion applied to population for participating in charity activities.


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