scholarly journals Typical Features of the Moscow Russia as Early-modern State in the Context of the Comparative and Legal Analysis

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Gennady A. Borisov ◽  
Vladimir G. Krikun ◽  
Victoria V. Kutko ◽  
Vitaly V. Penskoy ◽  
Svetlana V. Sherstobitova

In this article features of political regime development in the Russian state of the Moscow era (the end of the XV-XVII centuries) are considered in the general context of the European early-modern states of the XVI-XVII centuries formation and evolution. Use of new methodological approaches and deeper and at the same time original approach to the analysis of both narrative, and assembly materials allow to conclude that, despite unusual, at first sight, features of development of the Russian state during the considered period (those natural and geographical conditions caused first of all by character it developed in), Russia can be put in one row with such early-modern states as France, Spain or the Ottoman Empire. For all of them who are not possessing the developed officialdom and so developed fiscal institutes and power tools (represented by regular army, police and so forth), the aspiration to find a certain balance of interests between raison d’État (understanding as it first of all interest dynastic) and bien public (that it is first of all interest of the most active and influential part of society, "the political nation" in the political plan) as it guaranteed the power necessary legitimacy, obedience and support from society as indispensable conditions of more or less effective functioning of power institutes is inherent.

2021 ◽  
pp. 152-157
Author(s):  
N. A. Omelchenko

The article сonsiders ideological, political and cultural prerequisites of the Peter the Great state reforms that, according to the author, were formed long before the Peter`s Reformation, and had a significant impact on the course and model of the “regular” (military- police) state created by Peter the First. Among the main prerequisites are the etatization (nationalization) of society and the associated paternalistic nature of state relations, which formed the traditional foundations of national statehood and strengthened in the 17th century in the context of Russia’s withdrawal from the Turmoil and the restoration of the national statehood destroyed in the time of troubles. The paper investigates the reasons for the formation of these features of the development of national statehood, the main of which the author proposes to search in the civilizational and geopolitical features of the formation and evolution of the Russian state, the weakness of the institutional foundations of Russian politics, stylistic peculiarities of Russian Orthodoxy and a number of other factors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 88-102
Author(s):  
A.V. GLUKHOVA ◽  
◽  
D.V. SHCHEGLOVA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to study the conditions and consequences of reforming the political system by adjusting the Constitution as its political and legal basis. The research methodology in solving the assigned tasks is the political, legal and legal approaches in the interpretation of the legality and legitimacy of the decisions made; systemic, communicative and conflictological approaches in assessing the transformation of the political and legal foundations of the political regime. An all-Russian expert survey was conducted (70 experts, 25 cities of the Russian Federation), which made it possible to assess the content of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in terms of the emergence of risks to the stability of the political system. As a result of the performed political science analysis, the attitude of experts to the content and procedure for amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation was revealed. According to experts, the most illegal are (in descending order): "zeroing" of presidential terms; popular vote; form of amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Among those who consider the amendments to be legal, there are more representatives of two age cohorts: up to 40 years old and over 64 years old, although negative assessments remain dominant in this case. Middle-aged people are more critical. The scientific degree (doctors / candidates of science), as well as the field of professional activity (lawyers / non-lawyers) practically do not differ in assessing the legal nature of the amendments made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation (with the exception of certain points).


2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 150-160
Author(s):  
Viktor Mironenko ◽  

The article describes the transformation of the political regime of the Third Ukrainian Republic. The author holds that this big European country deserves attention not only as part of its recent history and that of Europe, but also as a manifestation of some European and global political processes. Using the methods of historical analysis and periodization, an attempt is made to place the last 30 years of the Ukrainian Republic in the general context of the recent history of Ukraine, to identify the reasons for the incomplete «Ukrainian project», the difficulties of its external perception and international positioning. The scientific novelty of the proposed analysis is that the political regimes that have existed in the Ukrainian Republic since its proclamation are considered as interrelated in the process of its evolution, and the latest of them ‒ in the light of the hypothesis of two transformations ‒ as its last phase. The main conclusion is that Ukraine’s difficult path of political self-identification is not complete and it faces necessity to find a new internal and external political paradigm and another reboot of the political regime.


2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 295-316
Author(s):  
Marianna Muravyeva

This article explores early modern criminal procedure and the emergence of a culture of appeal in the Russian system of criminal justice. It raises several important questions: Why did the appeal procedure not function as an ultimate guarantee of justice? How did Russian procedural law make appeals nothing more than the last stop on an ‘assembly line’, as a confirmation of a verdict rather than another court instance? How was criminal procedure connected with the political regime and a broader understanding of justice in early modern Russia? And what was then the ultimate goal of appeals that encouraged litigants to proceed with their cases to the highest court authorities? The author argues that Russia developed a so-called ‘appeal culture’, i.e., a situation in which individuals were willing to proceed with an appeal despite the quality of judicial decisions. Coupled with selective justice and a subjective understanding of fair trial, the appeal became one of the main means of acquiring a desirable verdict or, at least, of preventing an adversary from receiving such a verdict.


Slovene ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joachim Klein

It is difficult to overrate the importance of the panegyric tradition for early modern Russian literature. Between the middle of the 17th to the end of the 18th century, it was practiced in many different genres—almost all Russian poets praised the ruler. This poetry deserves our interest as a specific form of political literature. As such it is not only relevant for the cult of the Russian monarchs, but it also sheds some light on the political mentality of their loyal—and literate—subjects in the age of Russian absolutism. Panegyrical poetry is per definitionem a thoroughly affirmative, noncritical form of political literature. But this did not prevent it from offering a certain scope for the expression of diverse and even contradictory political ideals. This can be exemplified by the panegyrical poems written in the early 1760s in the context of the coup d’état staged by Catherine II and against the backdrop of the Russo-Prussian peace treaty initiated by her predecessor, Peter III. In this situation, a fundamental difference of opinion about the tasks of the monarch and the mission of the Russian state emerged.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


2018 ◽  
pp. 173-189
Author(s):  
Elena Borisenok

The article focuses on the analysis of the memoirs of the political and military officials that served Hetman P. Skoropadskyi. Their positions toward “Ukrainian question”, Hetman regime, views on the future of the Russian state etc. are studied.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


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