Generał brygady Kazimierz Rumsza – z armii carskiej do polskiej

Since its inception, the 5th Siberian Rifle Division was led by Colonel [płk.] Rumsza who operated under the orders of Colonel [płk.] Czuma, the commander of Polish forces in Siberia. In the light of the examined documents, Colonel Kazimierz Rumsza appears to be a man with two faces. On the one hand, he was an excellent commander, proving his worth in the extreme war conditions. On the other, a violent officer who humiliated his personnel and got involved in shady financial ventures. He was never proven guilty of embezzlement. However, his very presence in the group of suspects stigmatised him among the officers. He won back some favour after the lost September Campaign. During World War II, Rumsza did not play any significant role in the Polish Armed Forces. After demobilisation, he settled down in London. On 1 January 1964, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general [gen. brygady]. Kazimierz Rumsza died on 28 January 1970.

Download Full-text

Bonds and Barriers

10.1093/oso/9780195342659.003.0008 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 260-294

Author(s):

Thomas A. Guglielmo

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

World War Ii ◽

National Security ◽

The United States ◽

The Other ◽

Japanese Americans ◽

World War ◽

Enlisted Personnel ◽

Other Hand ◽

The One

Chapter 7 follows nonblack minorities through their training and service in the United States. America’s World War II military, from its top leaders to its enlisted personnel, simultaneously built and blurred a white-nonwhite divide alongside its black-white one. On the one hand, the blurring stemmed from a host of factors, including the day-to-day intermingling of troops, the activism of nonblack minorities, and, paradoxically, the unifying power of the black-white divide among nonblacks. On the other hand, this blurring had its limits. White-nonwhite lines cropped up in some of the same places black-white ones did and in some different ones, too, especially those related to national security and Japanese Americans. In the end, these lines remained in place throughout the war years, despite continuous blurring. They did so in part because of these racialized national security concerns and because of the power of civilian racist practices and investments.

Download Full-text

Psychosocial Stress and Ischaemic Heart Disease: A Response to Tennant

Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry ◽

10.3109/00048678209161267 ◽

1982 ◽

Vol 16 (4) ◽

pp. 265-278

Author(s):

Bruce Boman

Keyword(s):

Cardiovascular Disease ◽

Heart Disease ◽

World War Ii ◽

Ischaemic Heart Disease ◽

Psychosocial Stress ◽

Military Service ◽

Von der „Säuberung“ zum Generalpardon: Die Entnazifizierung der westdeutschen Wirtschaft

Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook ◽

10.1524/jbwg.2010.51.2.25 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 51 (2) ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Ralf Ahrens

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

Rule Of Law ◽

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

World War ◽

Comprehensive Investigation ◽

Other Hand ◽

Party Members ◽

Nazi Past ◽

The One

AbstractImmediately following World War II, the allied occupational powers started a process of denazifying West German business in more or less the same way as the political and administrative apparatus. Initial approaches to solve the task by a radical purge of highly incriminated company managers soon gave way to more extensive investigations of party members and Nazi sympathizers also on lower ranks. Denazification escalated into bureaucratic mass procedures and finally ended up in various forms of amnesty and pardon in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A key feature in this process was the successively growing participation of German actors like various commissions, chambers of commerce and the companies themselves. On the one hand, comprehensive investigation and punishment under a re-installed rule of law had to rely upon cooperation of German actors and their expertise on the reality of the Nazi past; on the other hand, the integration of business itself into denazification procedures allowed company managers to benefit from informational advantages. Focussing the interaction between denazification authorities and business in the three West German zones of occupation, the article argues that under the general conditions of economic reconstruction and democratization the degeneration from purge to pardon was hardly avoidable, but that nevertheless the effects of temporary punishments should not be underestimated.

Download Full-text

Der Baum und das Raster

10.28937/1000108329 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 2019 (1) ◽

pp. 9-19

Author(s):

Philippe Descola

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

World War Ii ◽

Structural Analysis ◽

The United States ◽

The Other ◽

Original Form ◽

World War ◽

Other Hand ◽

Biological Form ◽

The One

Claude Levi-Strauss mentioned several times in his work that the notion of transformation is the keystone of the structural analysis he pratices. By his own admission, this notion stems from his reading of D’Arcy Thomson’s book On Growth and Form during World War II in the United States. But Levi-Strauss makes use of two very different meanings of transformation, relating to two distinct morpho-genetic traditions. On the one hand, he is inspired by Goethe’s Morphology. All forms can be seen as transformation of a Urform, an original form, from which they grow out like a tree. But on the other hand, D’Arcy Thomson’s emphasis lies on the geometric simplicity of a transformation grid that allows the transition from one biological form to the other without considering any original from which other forms would be derivable. Levi-Strauss’ epistemological choice to study myths and masks can be better understood when his concept of transformation is clearly defined in relation to Goethe and D’Arcy Thomson. Thus, the originality of his own interpretation will become clear

Download Full-text

The Mixed Legacy of the Chicago School of Sociology

Sociological Perspectives ◽

10.2307/1389202 ◽

1988 ◽

Vol 31 (3) ◽

pp. 325-338 ◽

Cited By ~ 9

Author(s):

Jonathan H. Turner

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

Quantitative Methods ◽

Chicago School ◽

The Other ◽

Academic Environment ◽

World War ◽

American Sociology ◽

Organizational Integration ◽

Chicago School Of Sociology ◽

The One

This article examines the legacy of the Chicago School of Sociology. Because the Chicago department so dominated sociology in the 1920s and 1930s, it created the mold or template on which new departments, or the expansion of older ones, were modeled in the 1930s and in the post-World War II period. The legacy of this situation is mixed: On the one hand, the Chicago department made sociology a legitimate discipline in a hostile academic environment, whereas, on the other hand, it helped create a discipline so diversified in substantive specialties, so atheoretical, and so concerned with narrow research and quantitative methods that serious problems of intellectual and organizational integration confront contemporary American sociology.

Download Full-text

Modelling the self, creating the other: French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II1

10.7228/manchester/9781526107459.003.0011 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Marie Beauchamps

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

The Other ◽

World War ◽

Community Based ◽

National Community ◽

Archival Material ◽

The Core ◽

National Archives ◽

Democratic Control ◽

The One

Adding a historical note to a practice that has recently garnered renewed attention, this chapter looks at the policy of denaturalisation in France at the beginning of World War II. Denaturalisation law as a juridical political discourse centres on the deprivation of citizenship; it draws on security rhetoric in order to rewrite the limits of inclusion and exclusion regarding citizenship and is a means to model the national community. Based on archival material collected at the French National Archives, the chapter argues that denaturalisation law is at the core of the security/mobility dynamic: emphasising a fear of movement on the one hand, and the operationalisation of adaptable juridical practices on the other hand, denaturalisation interrupts our capacity of dissent while fixing the means to govern beyond democratic control. The analysis contributes to a better understanding of the politics of nationality where notions of selfhood and otherness are being shaped, mobilised and transformed.

Download Full-text

Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish as Determinants of Identity: As Illustrated in the Jewish Press of the First Half of the Twentieth Century

Colloquia Humanistica ◽

10.11649/ch.2016.007 ◽

2016 ◽

pp. 79-103

Author(s):

Izabela Olszewska ◽

Aleksandra Twardowska

Keyword(s):

Twentieth Century ◽

World War Ii ◽

Jewish Identity ◽

The Other ◽

World War ◽

Slowing Down ◽

Jewish Diaspora ◽

Other Hand ◽

The One

Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish as Determinants of Identity: As Illustrated in the Jewish Press of the First Half of the Twentieth CenturyThe paper shows an image and functions of Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish languages among Jewish Diaspora groups – the Balkan Sephardim and the Ashkenazim (the Ostjuden group) – in the period from the beginning of the twentieth century until the outbreak of World War II. The study is based on the articles from Jewish weeklies, magazines and newspapers from pre-war Bosnia and Hercegovina and from Germany/Poland. It demonstrates a double-sided attitude towards the languages. On the one hand – an image of the languages as determinants of Jewish identity. Touching on this theme, the authors of the paper also try to highlight the images of Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish and as determinants in a narrower sense – of the Sephardi/Ashkenazi identity in that period. On the other hand, the paper shows a tendency to treat the languages as “corrupted” and “dying” languages, and as factors slowing down the assimilation of Jewish groups and also as an obstacle for Zionist ideologies. Języki jidysz i żydowsko-hiszpański jako wskaźniki tożsamości – na przykładzie żydowskich tekstów prasowych pierwszej połowy XX wiekuArtykuł ukazuje obraz i funkcje języków jidysz i żydowsko-hiszpańskiego wśród żydowskich grup diasporowych – bałkańskich Sefardyjczyków oraz Aszkenazyjczyków (Ostjuden) – w okresie od początków wieku XX do wybuchu II wojny światowej. Opis oparty jest na artykułach z żydowskich magazynów, tygodników, prasy codziennej z przedwojennej Bośni i Hercegowiny oraz Niemiec/Polski. Ukazany jest ambiwalentny stosunek wobec języków. Z jednej strony – obraz języków jako wskaźników żydowskiej tożsamości, jak również obraz jidysz i żydowsko-hiszpańskiego jako wskaźników tożsamości w węższym ujęciu: tożsamości sefardyjskiej/aszkenazyjskiej w omawianym okresie. Z drugiej strony zaś – artykuł zwraca uwagę także na to, że oba języki były traktowane jako „zepsute”, „umierające” i stanowiące czynniki spowalniające asymilację grup żydowskich oraz przeszkodę dla idei syjonistycznych.

Download Full-text

Emancipation and feminization of the teaching vocation in Serbia and Yugoslavia after World War II

Glasnik Etnografskog instituta ◽

10.2298/gei2002467p ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 68 (2) ◽

pp. 467-485

Author(s):

Sanja Petrovic-Todosijevic

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

Policy Analysis ◽

The Other ◽

World War ◽

General Law ◽

Post War ◽

The Many ◽

The One

The paper is an attempt to point out the problems faced by the new communist authorities in Yugoslavia in the years after the victory in the War and the Revolution in the process of emancipation and additional feminization of the teaching vocation, with particular emphasis on the period until the adoption of the General Law on Education (1958). Particular emphasis will be placed on policy analysis as well as concrete measures that have led to a different profile of the role of the teacher in the post-war society. On the one hand, it will highlight the concrete measures taken by the state to motivate as many women as possible to opt for the teaching job. On the other hand, they will point out the many problems faced by many teachers whose professional and professional qualities, in assessing the quality of their work, are not so infrequently subordinated to their ?moral characteristics?.

Download Full-text

Urakami Memory and the Two Popes: The Disrupting of an Abstracted Nuclear Discourse

Religions ◽

10.3390/rel12110950 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 12 (11) ◽

pp. 950

Author(s):

Gwyn McClelland

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

International Relations ◽

Nuclear Weapons ◽

The United States ◽

Religious Discourse ◽

The Other ◽

Initial Visit ◽

World War ◽

The World ◽

The One

Since 1945, official Catholic discourse around nuclear weapons has condemned their existence on the one hand and supported them as deterrents on the other. This paper argues the largely abstracted discourse on nuclear weapons within the World Church has been disrupted by voices of Urakami in Nagasaki since at least 1981, as the Vatican has re-considered both memory and Catholic treatments of the bombing of this city since the end of World War II. On 9 August 1945, a plutonium A-bomb, nicknamed ‘Fat Man’, was detonated by the United States over the northern suburb of Nagasaki known as Urakami. Approximately 8500 Catholics were killed by the deployment of the bomb in this place that was once known as the Rome of the East. Many years on, two popes visited Nagasaki, the first in 1981 and the second in 2019. Throughout the period from John Paul II’s initial visit to Pope Francis’s visit in 2019, the Catholic Church’s official stance on nuclear weapons evolved significantly. Pope John Paul II’s contribution to the involvement in peace discourses of Catholics who had suffered the bombing attack in Nagasaki has been noted by scholars previously, but we should not assume influence in 1981 was unidirectional. Drawing upon interviews conducted in the Catholic community in Nagasaki between 2014 and 2019, and by reference to the two papal visits, this article re-evaluates the ongoing potentialities and concomitant weaknesses of religious discourse. Such discourses continue to exert an influence on international relations in the enduring atomic age.

Download Full-text

The Age of Studies and Reports: Selected Elements Concerning the Background of Encounters Defining the Power of Education

Center for Educational Policy Studies Journal ◽

10.26529/cepsj.88 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 6 (2) ◽

pp. 61-80

Author(s):

Veronika Tašner ◽

Slavko Gaber

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

Social Inequalities ◽

Central Place ◽

The Other ◽

World War ◽

Education Policies ◽

Great Expectations ◽

Comprehensive Education ◽

The One ◽

Second Wave

In the present paper, we discuss the time before the “age of reports”. Besides the Coleman Report in the period of Coleman, the Lady Plowden Report also appeared, while there were important studies in France (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1964; Peyre, 1959) and studies that inaugurated comprehensive education in Nordic countries. We focus on the period after the World War II, which was marked by rising economic nationalism, on the one hand, and by the second wave of mass education, on the other, bearing the promise of more equality and a reduction of several social inequalities, both supposed to be ensured by school. It was a period of great expectations related to the power of education and the rise of educational meritocracy. On this background, in the second part of the paper, the authors attempt to explore the phenomenon of the aforementioned reports, which significantly questioned the power of education and, at the same time, enabled the formation of evidence-based education policies. In this part of the paper, the central place is devoted to the case of socialist Yugoslavia/Slovenia and its striving for more equality and equity through education. Through the socialist ideology of more education for all, socialist Yugoslavia, with its exaggerated stress on the unified school and its overemphasised belief in simple equality, overstepped the line between relying on comprehensive education as an important mechanism for increasing the possibility of more equal and just education, on the one hand, and the myth of the almighty unified school capable of eradicating social inequalities, especially class inequalities, on the other. With this radical approach to the reduction of inequalities, socialist policy in the then Yugoslavia paradoxically reduced the opportunity for greater equality, and even more so for more equitable education.

Download Full-text