scholarly journals Plagues and Epidemics Caused by D(a)emons in Origen and Porphyry and Potential Interrelations

Vox Patrum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 78 ◽  
pp. 89-120
Author(s):  
Ilaria L.E. Ramelli

This essay will address how Origen, an early Christian writer, theologian, and pastor, referred to plagues, epidemics, and misfortunes, and how he construed these phenomena in his theology, literary works, and pastoral practice. A comparison with Porphyry will be offered, who likely drew part of his daemonology from Origen. Those responsible for plagues in both Origen’s philosophical theology and in Porphyry’s philosophy are δαίμονες (demons or fallen angels for Origen, daemons for Porphyry; Origen knew and referred to the two views). Porphyry’s attribution of his daemonology to “certain Platonists” who “divulged” these theories probably alludes to Origen and situates Origen within the Platonic school. I suspect that Porphyry was influenced by Origen’s demonology in general and possibly by On Daemons, if his. Porphyry’s terminology of “divulging” corresponds to that used in his anecdote about Origen who, notwithstanding the oath not to divulge Ammonius’ esoteric doctrines, nevertheless did so in On Daemons and The King Is the Only Creator. This indirectly confirms that Porphyry was speaking of the same Origen. Porphyry’s conviction that evil daemons are responsible for plagues, epidemics, and natural disasters is the same as Origen’s in Contra Celsum, which Porphyry knew. Origen was aware that spiritual plagues are worse than physical ones, that misfortunes mostly befall the just, and took over Jesus’ criticism of the ancient view of misfortunes as divine punishments for an individual or his parents or ancestors.

2019 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 402-416
Author(s):  
Konstantine Panegyres

In this paper I discuss the ways in which the early Christian writer Arnobius of Sicca used rhetoric to shape religious identity inAduersus nationes. I raise questions about the reliability of his rhetorical work as a historical source for understanding conflict between Christians and pagans. The paper is intended as an addition to the growing literature in the following current areas of study: (i) the role of local religion and identity in the Roman Empire; (ii) the presence of pagan elements in Christian religious practices; (iii) the question of how to approach rhetorical works as historical evidence.


Author(s):  
Heinz Ohme

Abstract:As soon as Maximos Confessor had died on August 13th 662 due to the effects of dismemberment—his punishment, following a charge of high treason against him and his students—he was seen and revered as a martyr and saint by his followers. During their seven-year banishment, after the first trial in the year 655, those punished interpreted their deliberately accepted punishment as martyrdom, which they documented in literary works, which were later called lawsuit protocols. They modeled the texts upon early Christian martyr trials, and used many elements of the theology of martyrdom for self-identification. By doing so, the group of Palestinian monks that followed Maximos tried to defend themselves against the charges brought against them, arguing that their ecclesiastical, political, and theological enemies were like the persecutors. Because the motives of the punished are very clear, unlike those of the early Christian martyrs, it remains to be seen, whether or not the death of Maximos Confessor really is a martyrdom, especially considering the political and ecclesiastical intrigues as well as the provocative theological stubbornness of Maximos himself.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-224
Author(s):  
A. M. Streltsov

This article deals with a variety of opinions concerning impassibility of God in the early Christian thought of the first three centuries. Along with obvious similarities of this concept with the stance of the ancient philosophical theology certain differences also present themselves, the most obvious of which marks the presence of theopaschite formulas due to the doctrine of Incarnation. The viewpoints stretch from the rigid insistence on impassibility (Apologists, Clement of Alexandria) to a more flexible approach of Origen and, finally, to the statement that it is possible to speak of the divine suffering in some sense (Gregory Thaumaturgus). With no unified terminology worked out, Patristics of this period, nevertheless, managed to lay an appropriate framework enabling the development of metaphysics of «impassible suffering» of God in subsequent Christian philosophy.


Author(s):  
John Peter Kenney

Early Christian writers used terminology and ideas drawn from Graeco-Roman philosophical literature in their theological writings, and some early Christians also engaged in more formal philosophical reflection. The term ‘patristic philosophy’ covers all of these activities by the ‘fathers’ (patres) of the Church. The literature of nascent Christianity thus contains many concepts drawn from Graeco-Roman philosophy, and this early use of classical ideas by prominent Christians provided an authoritative sanction for subsequent philosophical discussion and elaboration. Early Christians were drawn to philosophy for many reasons. Philosophy held a pre-eminent place in the culture of the late Hellenistic and Roman world. Its schools provided training in logical rigour, systematic accounts of the cosmos and directions on how to lead a good and happy life. While philosophical movements of the period, such as Neoplatonism or Stoicism, varied widely in their doctrines, most presented accounts of reality that included some representation of the divine. These rationally articulated accounts established the theological and ethical discourse of Graeco-Roman culture. As such, philosophy had a natural appeal to Hellenistic Jewish and early Christian thinkers. It provided a ready language in which to refine ideas about the God of the ancient Hebrew scriptures, and to elaborate the trinitarian God of Christianity. It also helped to bring conceptual coherence to the ideas found in the scriptures of both religions. Finally, it provided the common intellectual discourse that those communities required in order to present their central tenets to the majority culture of the Roman empire. To a considerable extent, the notion of ‘philosophy’ suggested to the ancients a way of life as much as an intellectual discipline. This too drew Christians to the teachings of the philosophers. While there were doctrines and prescriptions of behaviour specific to the major schools, philosophers in general tended to advocate an ethically reflective and usually rather ascetic life, one which conjoined intellectual with moral discipline. This ethical austerity was prized by early Christians as an allied phenomenon within Graeco-Roman culture to which they could appeal in debates about the character of their new movement. The tacit validation that philosophy offered to the Christian movement was thus multifaceted, and, while it was sometimes thought to be associated with unacceptable aspects of pagan religious culture, philosophy provided some educated Christians with a subtle social warrant for their new life and beliefs. It should be noted that ancient Christianity was itself a complex movement. Like Graeco-Roman philosophy, Christianity included a broad spectrum of beliefs and practices. Thus those early Christians who developed their beliefs with reference to philosophy endorsed a wide range of metaphysical and ethical doctrines, ranging from materialism to extreme transcendentalism, from asceticism to spiritual libertinism. Yet, while diversity is evident, it is also true that the Christian movement came to develop a rough set of central beliefs and some early forms of community organization associated with those beliefs. This incipient ‘orthodoxy’ came to value some sorts of philosophy, especially Platonism, which seemed best suited to its theological agenda. This tacit alliance with Platonism was fraught with ambiguity and uncertainty, and it was never a reciprocal relationship. Nonetheless, in the second and third centuries a type of Christian philosophical theology emerged which owed much to the Platonic school and became increasingly dominant among orthodox Christian authors. It was this trajectory that defined the character of patristic philosophy. Early Christian thought had its origins in Hellenistic Judaism, and its initial character was defined by the dominant patterns of that tradition. This early phase extended through the first half of the second century ad, as Christianity began to define its distinctive themes associated with the nature and historical mission of Jesus Christ. Throughout the second century, Christianity became increasingly a movement made up of gentile converts; some of these new members had educations that had included philosophy and a few were even trained as philosophers. Thus Christian thought began to show increased contact with the Graeco-Roman philosophical schools, a trend no doubt reinforced by the critical need for Christians – as a proscribed religious minority – to defend their theology, ritual practices and ethics in the face of cultural and legal hostility. This so-called ‘age of the apologists’ lasted throughout the second and third centuries, until Christianity began to enjoy toleration early in the fourth century. However, it would be a mistake to consider Christian philosophical thought in that period as primarily directed towards the surrounding pagan society. In many respects philosophy, as the intellectual discourse of Graeco-Roman culture, offered gentile Christians a means to clarify, articulate and assimilate the tenets of their new faith. This process of intellectual appropriation appears to have been of considerable personal importance to many Graeco-Roman converts. Christian philosophical theology helped them to recover ideas familiar from their school training and to find unfamiliar concepts defended with the rigour much prized within Graeco-Roman culture. After Christianity became a licit religion in the fourth century, philosophical activity among Christians expanded. The task of theological self-articulation became increasingly significant as Christianity grew in the fourth and fifth centuries towards majority status within the Empire, with imperial support. In this later period the range and sophistication of Christian thought increased significantly, due in part to the influence of pagan Neoplatonism, a movement that included a number of the finest philosophers active since the classical period of Plato and Aristotle. Later patristic philosophy had a defining influence upon medieval Christian thought through such figures as Augustine and Dionysius the pseudo-Areopagite, establishing both the conceptual foundations and the authoritative warrant for the scholasticism of the Latin West and Greek East.


2007 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 80-99
Author(s):  
Gillian Clark

Augustine of Hippo is especially appropriate for the theme of this volume. He is acknowledged as a Father and Doctor of the Church, that is, as an authoritative Christian writer from the early centuries of the Church, and as a major theologian. Patristics, the study of the Fathers, used to be where it all started in terms of Church teaching: wherever possible, doctrines and practices were traced back to the Fathers. In the last half-century of early Christian studies there has been much more emphasis on ecclesiastical history, on the intellectual and political detail of a specific historical context. So patristics is where it all starts in that we can see Church leaders working out their responses to problems and tensions that recur through the history of the Church. In the case of Augustine, there is an unusual range of evidence from his own sermons and letters and theological treatises, and from records of Church councils in Roman Africa from the years when he was bishop (395 to 430). On the older model of patristics, Augustine was taken as the source for some of the most extreme forms of Church discipline. His writings were conflated to produce coherent ‘Augustinian’ doctrine. Phrases and sentences, images and speculation, were taken out of context to be used for purposes he never envisaged. On the newer model of early Christian studies, we can trace Augustine’s reflections about when and how to discipline people who appear to be rejecting the fundamental Christian principles, love of God and love of neighbour.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Otto

Eusebius refers to Philo far more frequently than any previous early Christian writer. In most of these citations, he describes Philo as a Hebrew. The chapter begins with an analysis of the clear distinction Eusebius draws between Hebrews and Jews. By describing Philo as a Hebrew, Eusebius associates him with a philosophical way of life, or bios, practiced before the institution of the Mosaic law and perpetuated by the Essenes, the Therapeutae, and ultimately, Eusebius’s Christian contemporaries. Philo the Hebrew is invoked to support Eusebius’s claim that the Christians are the legitimate heirs to the Hebrew scriptures, scriptures better understood by the Christians than by the Jews. When Eusebius cites Philo as a witness to the suffering of the Jews in the aftermath of Jesus’ crucifixion, however, he does not refer to him as a Hebrew.


Author(s):  
Aitor Ibarrola

Although relatively little critical attention has been paid to the closing chapters of Zora Neale Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God, the representation of the 1928 cyclone that struck the Everglades in Florida can be seen to have left a profound—and traumatic—impact on both the relations among different human groups and the author’s narrative technique. Not only is the title of the book extracted from this section of the book, but faced with the “monstropolous beast” (239) of a Caribbean hurricane, the main characters of the novel realize that interracial attitudes and social structures begin to change shape and lose stability. This article shows that questions of class, race and gender rise in both structural and figurative importance in the closing chapters of the book, and that Hurston was genuinely committed to memorialize the losses and mental wounds of those who have generally been forgotten in official records.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-132
Author(s):  
Ekaterina L. Smirnova

The article examines the problem of attribution of an essay from F. M. Dostoevsky's workbook of 1864—1867 (Russian State Archive of Literature and Art. Fund 212.1.5. p. 10), titled “The Usurer”. The novelty of the study is in that Nero (the artist), a character who emerged from the writer’s knowledge and concept of Emperor Nero, for the first time becomes the subject of detailed analysis. Based on the evidence from the classical and early Christian writers, as well as on scientific and literary works written during Dostoevsky’s lifetime, the author makes an argument for Nero’s figure to be considered a junction of at least three elements. He is not merely Nero-the-artist, but also Nero-the-persecutor of Christians and Nero-the Antichrist. This image reveals a ramified network of extensive ties with the preparatory materials for an early draft of “The Idiot”. Thus, it augments the aggregate of B. N. Tikhomirov’s arguments regarding other records, characters, motifs and prototypes in this essay. It also support his theory regarding “The Usurer”, which states that it is not the author’s independent and unexecuted idea, but, rather, should be examined in the framework of the creative history of “The Idiot”, specifically, its initial stage.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 138-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ана [Ana] Стойкова [Stoĭkova]

On the possible sources of the apocryphal motif “Satanael refuses to bow to Adam” in one early Christian passionThe article discusses the medieval literary works containing one of the variants of the apocryphal motif “the fall of the Rebel Angel from Heaven,” where Satanael calls himself “a fire flame” and refuses to bow to Adam, who was created “from mud.” A variant of this motif is found in the Slavonic version of an early anonymous Passion of St. George, while its Latin, Coptic and Ethiopian versions contain a more simplified variant – the reason for the refusal of the angel is his superior position in comparison to man. It seems possible that the Slavonic version preserved the original variant of the motif, known in the same form in only two more works – the Greek-Slavonic Apocalypse of Baruch (3 Baruch) and the Syriac Cave of Treasures, both of which preserved archaic features, whereas the Latin and the Oriental versions show traces of later changes. If this is indeed the case, the replacement of the earlier version occurred at a very early stage of the development of the text, probably already during the circulation of the Passion in Palestine or in Sinai. O możliwych źródłach apokryficznego motywu „Satanael odmawia złożenia hołdu Adamowi” w pewnej wczesnochrześcijańskiej pasjiW artykule przedstawiono średniowieczne dzieła literackie, zawierające jeden z wariantów motywu apokryficznego – upadek z nieba zbuntowanego anioła, w którym Satanael nazywa siebie samego „płomieniem ognia” i odmawia złożenia hołdu stworzonemu z błota Adamowi. Wariant tego motywu został odkryty w słowiańskiej wersji wczesnochrześcijańskiej Pasji św. Jerzego (anonimowego autora), podczas gdy wersje łacińska, koptyjska i etiopska przedstawiają ten wątek w sposób dalece uproszczony – powodem odmowy anioła jest jego wyższa pozycja w stosunku do człowieka. Wydaje się prawdopodobne, że słowiańska wersja zachowała oryginalny wariant motywu, występujący w tej samej formie tylko w dwóch jeszcze pracach – grecko­-słowiańskiej Apokalipsie Barucha (3 Baruch) i syryjskiej Grocie Skarbów, obu mających cechy archaiczne, podczas gdy w wersji łacińskiej i orientalnych widoczne są już zmiany. Jeśli faktycznie tak jest, to zastąpienie wcześniejszej wersji musiało nastąpić na wczesnym stadium rozwoju tekstu, prawdopodobnie już w czasie cyrkulowania Pasji w Palestynie lub na Synaju.


Author(s):  
Suzanne Saïd

This chapter focuses on Lives of Homer, the author of the Iliad and the Odyssey. According to the early Christian writer Tatian, the interest in Homer’s biography began in the sixth century with Theagenes of Rhegium, followed in the late fifth century by Stesimbrotus of Thasos, Antimachus of Colophon, and Herodotus. However, the so-called Lives of Homer, whose origin can be traced back to oral traditions transmitted by the rhapsodes, are all several centuries later. The Homer of the Lives is a construction from the Odyssey. However, his portrait is also a major document concerning the reception of his poems. Their panhellenic status, combined with the local pride of Greek cities, accounts for the number of his birthplaces. Later on, when Hellenism was appropriated by the Roman Empire, he was claimed by Rome, Egypt, and Syria, which were part of it. His portrait was also influenced by the rhapsodes, who performed his poems, and his primary role in Greek and Graeco-Roman paideia.


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