scholarly journals Idea pentarchii jako rękojmia jedności Kościoła w dobie ikonoklazmu. Stanowisko Teodora Studyty

Vox Patrum ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 201-220
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Kashchuk

From the first half of the eighth century until the mid-ninth century the Church of Constantinople struggled with heretical iconoclast movement. Dur­ing the period of iconoclasm, St. Theodore of Studium (759-826) stood at the side of the defenders of the cult of images. He was a great thinker and abbot of the Studium monastery near Constantinople. One of the main themes he discussed was an independant status of Church from secular power, which frequently intervened in issues relating to faith and morals. St. Theodore of Studium wanted to prove that the Church dogmas and rules derive not from emperors, but bishops. In this context, his idea resembles the concept of pentarchy. According to St. Theodore, the guarantee of orthodoxy, which is the basis for the unity of the universal Church, is rooted in ecclesial body of pentarchy. Decisions about divine and celestial dogmas are entrusted to five patriarchs, who should be characterized by unanimity to reach a joint deci­sion at the universal council. All of them together have the highest position in the Church and their consent is necessary for recognition of the ecumenical council. Among the five patriarchs the privileged position has the patriarch of Rome, without whom no ecumenical council can be called. The Roman Church is the reference point and stands at the center of the unity of Church. St. Theodore of Studium considered the primacy of the bishop of Rome not in isolation from other patriarchates but in orbit of the entire Church.


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ivan Basić

The church of St Matthew, which stood next to the south entrance to Split cathedral until 1881, was constructed between the peripteros and temenos of Diocletian’s mausoleum, along its east-west axis. A large number of pre-existing structures in the church of St Matthew and their degree of preservation indicate that it was erected at the beginning of the early middle ages, when the original layout of diocletian’s building had been well preserved. The church was the original setting for the sarcophagus with the epitaph of Archbishop John from the second half of the eighth century, which can be linked to the restorer of the Salonitan archbishopric in Split, John of Ravenna, who is mentioned by Thomas, the Archdeacon of Split, in his thirteenth-century chronicle, Historia Salonitana. The analysis of the sources relevant for the burial place of Archbishop John of Ravenna (the fourteenth-century chronicle of A. Cutheis and his catalogue of the archbishops of Split) showed that the data from these records are also of early medieval origin. The chronological frame in which the formula carved on the lid of the Archbishop’s sarcophagus existed, its epigraphic features and comparisons with the deceased’s epitaph, link it with the time when the longer inscription and the decoration of the sarcophagus front were carved - the end of the eighth century, and point to Archbishop John (c. 787) as the likeliest owner of the sarcophagus.  The choice of place for the sarcophagus of prior Peter, immediately next to the entrance to the church of St Matthew, in the ninth century, as well as the decoration and its relationship with the epitaph inspired by that on the sarcophagus of Archbishop john, corroborate that the prior’s sarcophagus was later than that of the Archbishop and the church in which it stood. The description of the church’s interior by D. Farlati in the eighteenth century, together with other indications, confirms that the sarcophagus and the church were made at the same  time, and that the Archbishop’s tomb was originally envisaged within the architectural setting of this church where an arcosolium contributed to its monumentality. The iconographic variant of the crossed-lily decoration and its specific symbolism originated in early christian Ravenna, which corresponds not only to the origin of the  Archbishop buried in the chapel but to the dedication to St Matthew, also of ravennate provenance, which creatively matches the iconographic programme of the sarcophagus. Thus, the sarcophagus, the church of St Matthew and John of Ravenna are connected to John,  the Archbishop of Split in the late eighth century.



1974 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter R. McKeon

It is almost a commonplace that the ideology and circumstances of the Carolingian empire made possible assertion by the Frankish episcopacy of an increasingly active role in the government of ninth-century Frankish Europe. Restoration of the ecclesiastical hierarchy begun in the mid-eighth century by Pepin the Short and completed under his son, the emperor Charles, resulted in the establishment of a class of able men whose common interests were closely bound up with preservation and extension of the imperial structure; in the reign of Charles' successors this group came to be involved more and more prominently in the workings of the empire, as events in the forty years following Charles' death necessitated rapid reinterpretation of that entity. In that process no member of the hierarchy played a more ubiquitous part than did Ebbo, archbishop of Reims from 816 until his deposition nineteen years later. Loyal to the principles of imperial rule while at the same time betrayer of the friendship and fealty owed his monarch, Ebbo was scholar, builder, missionary, high public official, rebel and outcast during a career inextricably bound up with the course and transmutations of the empire. In the range of his activities and influence almost a paradigm of those opportunities and tasks open to the Carolingian episcopate, his history is in no small measure that of the empire itself and of the church with which in the ninth century that empire was conceived to be coextensive, even identical. It is those two histories and their interrelations that form the subject of the present paper.



Ars Adriatica ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Ivan Josipović

The author attributes the chancel screen gable from the Trogir Town Museum, discovered in the pavement of the vestibule of the destroyed pre-Romanesque hexaconchal church of St Mary at Trogir to the Trogir stonecarvers’ workshop. The arguments for such an attribution are found in the visual and stylistic analysis of the gable and  in the analogies with other similar fragments of pre-Romanesque reliefs which have already been attributed to the same workshop. This demonstrates a similar concept in the layout on the gables from Trogir and Bijaći, while more obvious stylistic parallels for the Trogir gable are found on the chancel screen arches and architraves from  Pađene, Brnaze, Malo polje of Trogir and Otres, but also those from Krković and Ostrovica. In addition, two fragmented reliefs which have been inserted as spolia in east wall of the parish church of St George at Pađene near Knin are also attributed to the same workshop. These fragments have been measured and photographed in more detail for the first time for this paper. The analysis of their decoration has resulted in the conclusion that these fragments belonged to a widely distributed type of chancel screen pilasters, with a somewhat more complex decoration consisting of a dense interlaced mesh of three-strand bands.  Finally, the gable from the Trogir Town Museum, and other stylistically similar relief from Trogir, have been brought into a stronger connection with the church of St Mary, and its original liturgical furnishings in particular. Following from such a conclusion, as well as the fact that the same workshop produced liturgical installations in another hexaconchal church at Brnaze near Sinj, the author dates both structures to the period when the workshop was active (the first quarter of the ninth century), and places the construction of almost all Dalmatian hexaconchs in a relatively short time frame from the end of the eighth century to mid-ninth century.



Ars Adriatica ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marija Kolega

Archaeological excavations in the complex of the Arch Parish Church of St Asel discovered an entire early Christian complex consisting of a north singlecellchurch and, to its south, a group of baptismal buildings which was soon transformed into a longitudinal building with an eastern apse. A number of remodelling interventions between the sixth and the eighth century confirm that the early Christian church and its baptistery survived the turbulent centuries of the Migration Period. The next major building phase was identified during the conservation works carried out on the church walls and there is no doubt that it occurred at the turn of the ninth century when the church became the cathedral of the Croatian bishop. Both churches, the north and the south, were provided with new stone furnishings while the baptismal font was altered so as to conform to the liturgical changes which were introduced into the baptismal rite. Archaeological evidence has demonstrated that the font remained in use until the sixteenth century when the apse of the south church was destroyed to make way for the chapel of Our Lady of Zečevo (1510-1530). The buildings to the south suffered a major destruction in 1780 when the Lady chapel was extended at the expense of its north wall which was torn down and the southern structure was cut in half.



2016 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heinz Ohme

AbstractThis article addresses the question as to why Maximus the Confessor was first recognized as an official martyr and saint in the imperial Byzantine Church only in the tenth century, although his theology had been accepted by the Sixth Ecumenical Council and his followers began to practice and propagate his cult shortly after his death in 662. The argument begins with a brief description of Maximus’ early veneration and then examines the Sixth Ecumenical Council’s failure to rehabilitate him by detailing the reasons why this was impossible in 681 and also thereafter. Clearly, in the seventh and eighth centuries the cult of Maximus had its centre outside the empire in parts of Palestinian monasticism. During the iconoclastic era, as in the seventh century, Maximus’ name stood once again for opposition to imperial religious policy, for he was held up by those venerating icons as the witness of Tradition to their use. Although during this time iconophile monastic circles in the capital probably fostered his cult as well, his veneration continued to find no official recognition in the ninth century because of on-going division within the church of Constantinople. Only after a great distance in time to the events of the seventh century could official recognition in Byzantium come to Maximus, since the conflicts of that earlier era were no longer relevant. In this context, the ‘Holy Confessor Maximus’ underwent a process of acceptance by the Byzantines who anchored his biography in Constantinople. As a result, the actual circumstances of the monothelete controversy have ultimately been obscured.



Radiocarbon ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Julie A Hoggarth ◽  
Brendan J Culleton ◽  
Jaime J Awe ◽  
Christophe Helmke ◽  
Sydney Lonaker ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Deposits linked to abandonment have been widely recorded across the Maya lowlands, associated with the final activities occurring in ceremonial areas of Classic Maya centers. Various models have been applied to explain the activities that lie behind the formation of these contexts, including those linked to rapid abandonment (e.g., warfare) and others focused on more protracted events (termination rituals, and/or pilgrimages). Here, we assess Bayesian models for three chronological scenarios of varying tempo to explain the formation of peri-abandonment deposits at Baking Pot, Belize. Using stratigraphic information from these deposits, hieroglyphic dates recovered on artifacts, and direct dates on human skeletal remains and faunal remains from distinct layers in three deposits in Group B at Baking Pot, we identify multiple depositional events that spanned the eighth to ninth centuries AD. These results suggest that the processes associated with the breakdown of institutionalized rulership and its command of labor to construct and maintain ceremonial spaces were protracted at Baking Pot, with evidence for the final depositional activity dated to the mid-to-late ninth century. This interval of deposition was temporally distinct from the earlier deposition(s) in the eighth century. Together, these data offer a detailed view of the end of the Classic period at Baking Pot, in which the ceremonial spaces of the site slowly fell into disuse over a period of more than a century.



1995 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Nicholas Orchard

Of all the services held in a saint's honour in the course of his or her feast-day, mass was the most important: and central to the mass were the prayers invoking the saint's intercession said by the celebrant. Together with the canon, these ‘proper’ prayers – by the ninth century normally a collect (collecta), secret (super oblata or secreta), preface (prefatio) and postcommunion (ad complendum or postcommunio) – formed the backbone around which chant and readings were arranged, and they were gathered together in the sacramentary, the book used by the celebrant alone. Further forms might be provided as ‘alternatives’ (aliae orationes); for the conclusion of mass (super populum); and occasionally, for vespers of the day before the feast and of the feast itself (ad vesperas), but generally speaking, these are rare. As ‘informal’ cults became formal, or prize relics came to hand, so the need for new suites of prayers arose. These could be composed afresh, ‘borrowed’ from existing saints' masses (an easy option, necessitating little more than the insertion of the new saint's name in the relevant prayers); or if the precentor's creative powers failed him completely, they could be taken from the ‘commons’, that is, from the series of ready-made masses contained in almost every medieval sacramentary or missal for a ‘confessor’, a ‘martyr’ or a ‘virgin’, and so on. Some houses attracted the services of gifted writers; other seem not to have been so fortunate. It is my intention to analyse here the genesis and dissemination of a mass from a house of the former class which throws interesting light on the liturgical links between England and the Continent in the eighth century.



1984 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 65-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mildred Budny ◽  
Dominic Tweddle

Among the relics in the treasury of the church of St Catherine at Maaseik in Limburg, Belgium, there are some luxurious embroideries which form part of the so-called casula (probably ‘chasuble’) of Sts Harlindis and Relindis (pls. I–VI). It was preserved throughout the Middle Ages at the abbey church of Aldeneik (which these sister-saints founded in the early eighth century) and was moved to nearby Maaseik in 1571. Although traditionally regarded as the handiwork of Harlindis and Relindis themselves, the embroideries cannot date from as early as their time, and they must have been made in Anglo-Saxon England. Indeed, they represent the earliest surviving examples of the highly prized English art of embroidery which became famous later in the Middle Ages as opus anglicanum.



1970 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 183-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Vickers

In a recent important article on the mosaics of the basilica of St. Demetrius at Thessaloniki, R. S. Cormack proposes a list of churches in the city with mosaics ‘for which a late fifth century date must be considered.’ The list comprises the Acheiropoietos basilica, the first phase of the basilica of St. Demetrius, and Hosios David. The purpose of this article is to show that the mosaics of the second phase of the Rotunda (now known as the church of St. George) should be included in Cormack's list.The first thing to note about the Rotunda mosaics is that there has been less than unanimity concerning the date of their construction. Volbach, Lazarev and Cormack, amongst others, follow Dyggve and Torp in dating the mosaics to c. 400 or slightly earlier; Diehl and Dalton dated them to the fifth century, Weigand to the sixth and Holtzinger to the seventh or eighth century, all on largely stylistic grounds. What are obviously needed are some objective dating criteria, and these are to be found, not so much in the mosaics themselves, but rather in the building fabric and the furniture of the converted Rotunda. The conversion of the Rotunda, incidentally, consisted of the blocking of an opaion in the cupola and the addition of an ambulatory, a monumental entrance to the south, an apse to the east (Plate XXIII) and various subsidiary buildings to east and west. The mosaics were placed in the cupola and in the niches which connected the main body of the Rotunda with the ambulatory.



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