Anglo-American Historiography about the Colonial Strategy of the Great Britain in the Interwar-Period

Author(s):  
Aleksey Sagimbaev
1962 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-364
Author(s):  
Henderson B. Braddick

The agreement between British Foreign Minister Sir Samuel Hoare and Pierre Laval, French Premier and Foreign Minister, in early December, 1935, was a major turning point in European international politics during the interwar period. It placed a premium on Fascist aggression in Ethiopia by proposing that Italy be given actual or de facto control over huge slices of the African country. Several volumes of memoirs published in the last few years throw new light on some aspects of the proposal itself and on the politics of Great Britain, Italy, and France toward the Italo-Ethiopian conflict, policies which at the height of the international crisis produced the Hoare-Laval Plan. In addition, the State Department documents, published and unpublished, are a mine of information on these matters.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. C. McKercher

One of the pervading interpretations of Anglo-American relations in the interwar period is that the advent of James Ramsay MacDonald's Labour government in June 1929 set in train the series of events that ended bitter relations between Britain and the United States, bitterness which had been caused by the naval question. There are several strands to this: first, that the American policy pursued by the Conservative second Baldwin government from November 1924 to June 1929, and especially after the failure of the Coolidge naval conference in the summer of 1927, was bankrupt; second, that MacDonald was more amenable to settling British differences with the Americans than were his Conservative predecessors and, that being so, softened the hardline towards the United States that had marked Conservative foreign and naval policy for more than two years; and, finally, that MacDonald's decision to travel to the United States on what proved to be a very successful visit in the autumn of 1929 to meet Herbert Hoover, the new president, to discuss outstanding issues personally, was a major diplomatic coup. Some of this received version is true. No one can doubt that MacDonald and his Labour ministry played a crucial role in helping to ameliorate the crisis that had been dogging good Anglo-American relations for more than two years before June 1929. The Labour Party constituted the government when the London naval conference of 1930 ended the period of Anglo-American naval rivalry. Moreover, for six months before that conference convened, Labour had conducted effective diplomacy in preparing for its deliberations.


Author(s):  
David M. Edelstein

While Hitler’s Germany in the 1930’s has received abundant attention, this chapter begins earlier in the interwar period. Throughout the 1920’s, Europe’s great powers debated how to manage a defeated Germany that had the latent power potential to again become a great power. This chapter traces how Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union addressed this challenge. It argues that all three of these European powers preferred to cooperate with Germany in the short-term rather than paying the high cost of competing with Germany when it had uncertain long-term intentions. This explanation based on time horizons is superior to alternative explanations based on either buckpassing or engagement.


Author(s):  
Yana Kybich

The article examines the prerequisites for Britainʼs participation in European integration processes since the 1950ʼs. The evolution of the “special” policy of the British governments regarding the countryʼs participation in the system of political and military-political cooperation of the European Union, the nature of its influence on the processes of European integration in the sphere of foreign policy and security are considered. The peculiarities of the UKʼs participation in European political integration are analyzed in terms of balancing the two main strands of its foreign policy – the traditional Atlantic course, which underlies the Anglo-American “special relations” and the European course (deepening participation in European regional policy). The most common concepts of differentiated European integration are outlined, such as Europe à la carte (sectoral, selective integration) or the concepts of European Menu, Europe of Different Speeds and Variable Geometries, which have been successfully used by UK governments to counteract federalization and deepen integration of the United Kingdom, avoiding full integration, for example, in currency issues or applying restrictions on the free movement of labor (limited Schengen agreement). In general, the complex of conditions and peculiarities of historical, socio-political, economic and socio-psychological nature have been investigated, which have had their specific influence on the formation of the unique political attitude and behavior of Great Britain and became the basis of the “special” position of Great Britain in European integration processes, and as a consequence transformations of the present geopolitical position of Great Britain. Keywords: Great Britain, European integration, EEC, European Union, concept, “special” position.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald R. Hickey

The War of 1812 may have been a small and inconclusive war, but it had a profound and lasting impact of all the belligerents. The war may be largely forgotten, but it left a huge legacy that is still evident today. Wars can best be measured by their consequences, and the legacy of this war was both multifaceted and lasting. The conflict shaped both the United States and Canada as well as their relationship with Great Britain for nearly a century thereafter. It helps to explain how the Anglo-American alliance originated and why the British welcomed the Pax Americana in the twentieth century, as well as why Canada never joined the American Union and why American expansion after 1815 aimed south and west rather than north. It was during the War of 1812 that the great Shawnee leader Tecumseh earned his reputation, Laura Secord became famous, and Andrew Jackson began his rise to the presidency. Its impact on American culture was also far reaching and produced ‘The Star-Spangled Banner’, Uncle Sam and ‘Old Ironsides’, amongst other symbols of United States nationhood.


Author(s):  
Claas Kirchhelle

AbstractThis chapter explores scientific thinking about animal behaviour and welfare from the late nineteenth century onwards. After a period of unsystematic investigations of animal cognition and feelings (affective states), many researchers abandoned allegedly anthropomorphic approaches in favour of new mechanistic behaviourist models. Interest in the evolutionary roots and purpose of behaviour was gradually revived by ethologists from the interwar period onwards. While senior continental ethologists shied away from research on animal feelings, a growing number of Anglo-American ethologists questioned supposed divides between animal and human cognition and anthropomorphic taboos associated with studying affective states. In post-war Britain, the University Federation of Animal Welfare and ethologists Julian Huxley and William Homan Thorpe used research on behaviour and stress to call for improved welfare. Their actions were strongly influenced by Edwardian concepts of science as a progressive force for the moral and spiritual improvement of human society.


Author(s):  
Mar’yan Zhytariuk

The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land. Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally. Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period


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