Ukraine's Relations with The Countries of the Visegrad Group in the Context of the Ukrainian Crisis of 2014—2018

2019 ◽  
pp. 122-133
Author(s):  
Aleksander Levchenkov ◽  
Aleksander Gushin
Keyword(s):  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Visegrad Group

Considering the Sub-Regional Cooperation in East-Central Europe – Some Conclusions on Integrating and Disintegrating Tendencies in the Sub-Regional Dialogue

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacek Wieclawski
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
East Central European

This article discusses the problems of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. It formulates the general conclusions and examines the specific case of the Visegrad Group as the most advanced example of this cooperation. The article identifies the integrating and disintegrating tendencies that have so far accompanied the sub-regional dialogue in East-Central Europe. Yet it claims that the disintegrating impulses prevail over the integrating impulses. EastCentral Europe remains diversified and it has not developed a single platform of the sub-regional dialogue. The common experience of the communist period gives way to the growing difference of the sub-regional interests and the ability of the East-Central European members to coordinate their positions in the European Union is limited. The Visegrad Group is no exception in this regard despite its rich agenda of social and cultural contacts. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the Visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the Visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the Visegrad unity in the European refugee crisis. Finally, the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of the NATO’s “Eastern flank” may contribute to some new ideas of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe, to include the Polish-Baltic rapprochement or the closer dialogue between Poland and Romania. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.251  

scholarly journals Szanse na jedność Grupy Wyszehradzkiej w kontekście polityki krajów V4 wobec Rosji i Chin oraz kryzysu ukraińskiego

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 77-96
Author(s):  
Łukasz Kołtuniak
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Czech Republic ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The Common ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Visegrad Group

Po 2004 r. wydawało się, że wobec osiągnięcia wspólnego celu, jakim była inte­gracja z UE i NATO, formuła Grupy Wyszehradzkiej ulega stopniowemu wyczerpaniu. Wspólny i bezkompromisowy jakkolwiek by nie oceniać jego moralnej słuszności sprzeciw wobec tzw. kwot na migrantów stwarza dziś wrażenie istnienia wspólnej platformy interesów krajów V4. Czy jednak platforma ta jest stała i Wyszehrad może integrować się również wobec idei „pozytywnych”. Problem jedności krajów regionu rozważę w niniejszym tekście w kontekście ich postawy w czasie kryzysu ukraińskiego, a także polityki wobec Rosji i Chin. Kryzys ukraiński w 2014 r. stwarzał bowiem zda­niem wielu ekspertów ryzyko rozpadu Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Było to wynikiem braku wsparcia dla Ukrainy zwłaszcza ze strony Czech i Węgier przy tradycyjnie prometejskim stanowisku ówczesnego polskiego rządu. Czy od 2014 r. udało się odbudować wspólną agendę? Czy Rosja może skutecznie stosować w regionie zasadę divide et impera? Na te pytania będę chciał odpowiedzieć, analizując politykę krajów regionu wobec kryzysu z uwzględnieniem całego kontekstu polityki analizowanych państw. Chances for the unity of the Visegrad Group in the context of V4 countries’ policy towards Russia and China and the Ukrainian crisis After 2004, in the whole V4 region it was the conviction that Visegrad formula is exhausted. However, this situation began changed after common strong opposition against migrant quota. But is the common “positive” idea exist? The problem of regional unity will be analysed in the context of policy towards Russia, China and Ukrainian crisis. During Ukrainian crisis in 2014 it might seem that the Visegrad project may finally collapsed. Poland traditionally strongly supported Ukraine but Czech Republic and Hungary tried to avoid the clear statements. The question is if today, 3 years after Russian aggression, Visegrad states have more of common interests? And does Russia have the instruments to successfully divide our region? Each state’s policy will be analysed separately in the context of general ideas in foreign policy and attitude to Ukrainian crisis.

Visegrad Cooperation: Search of New Forms amidst Ukrainian Crisis

2015 ◽  
pp. 76-85
Author(s):  
D. Ofitserov-Bel'skiy
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
East European ◽  
The Common ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
External Actors ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

The article discusses the evolution of the Visegrad partnership. It never had integrative capacity, but in recent years accumulated the integration potential in regional relations. The common position formation principles in international policy are being carried out by the Visegrad Four. Notable is the emergence of really important issues and explicit politicization of the agenda. The defense theme, the problem of energy security, coordination of positions on the EU budget etc. were included into discussions. At the same time, exacerbated contradictions exist in these areas. Key factors currently affecting the development of the Visegrad Group are: the confrontation of great powers in the region, the inert nature of relationship between the Visegrad countries and the United States, the anarchy in European policy, the prevalence of extra-regional conditions and incentives, the lack of specific regional rules and the void of its institutionalization. The Ukrainian crisis once again emphasizes the importance of the regional policy external actors – the U.S., Germany, Russia and the Brussels EU bureaucracy. It was the cause of the schism emerging in East European politics, and slowed down the process of the intra-regional incentives formation as well as of the communications concentration. It is forcing the Visegrad countries to grasp their limitrophe position. A perspective of the Visegrad partnership is unclear, but it is noteworthy that regional relations become increasingly important for their participants.

scholarly journals Considering the Sub-Regional Cooperation in East-Central Europe – Some Conclusions on Integrating and Disintegrating Tendencies in the Sub-Regional Dialogue

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacek Wieclawski
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
East Central European

This article discusses the problems of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. It formulates the general conclusions and examines the specific case of the Visegrad Group as the most advanced example of this cooperation. The article identifies the integrating and disintegrating tendencies that have so far accompanied the sub-regional dialogue in East-Central Europe. Yet it claims that the disintegrating impulses prevail over the integrating impulses. EastCentral Europe remains diversified and it has not developed a single platform of the sub-regional dialogue. The common experience of the communist period gives way to the growing difference of the sub-regional interests and the ability of the East-Central European members to coordinate their positions in the European Union is limited. The Visegrad Group is no exception in this regard despite its rich agenda of social and cultural contacts. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the Visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the Visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the Visegrad unity in the European refugee crisis. Finally, the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of the NATO’s “Eastern flank” may contribute to some new ideas of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe, to include the Polish-Baltic rapprochement or the closer dialogue between Poland and Romania.

Russian Federation and the United States of America: geostrategic directions to manage the Ukrainian crisis

2019 ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
National Security ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Zero Sum

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.

Potencjał kooperacji turystycznej i piłkarskiej w państwach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 351-375
Author(s):  
Mateusz Rafał ◽  
Dominik Borek
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
Social Initiative ◽  
Cultural Proximity ◽  
Tourism Sector ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Potential ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Visegrád Countries

This article takes up the innovatory subject of cooperation in the field of football and the tourism sector by the Visegrad Group states. The subject matter of this study has not been widely discussed in the literature, hence most of de lege ferenda postulates are open to further discussion. The current Visegrad Group was created as a political project, not an evolutionary social initiative. This does not mean, however, that the societies of its member states are significantly different from each other, and the structure itself is exotic. The benefits of an extended cooperation, which seems not to have an alternative, for all the participants are fully understood. Therefore, the direction of common thinking about maximizing profits in the developing sector of tourism, and making the most of the social potential of football, can be an attractive platform for international dialogue and extended cooperation among the V4 countries. The baggage of history, geographic and cultural proximity, the migration crisis, as well as the imperialist policy of the neighbouring Russia effectively motivate to strengthen cooperation and create stronger mechanisms with each other. It is indisputable that the tendencies for cooperation in the Visegrad countries are not a novelty.

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