«Bukhara Is Like Algeria»: the Ottoman Political Elite on the Petition of the Bukhara Emir Khaidar to Sultan Mahmud II to Accept Bukhara into the Ottoman Empire.

2021 ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Vasilyev
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
External Assistance ◽  
Object Of Study ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
To Receive

Relations between the Bukhara Emirate and the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century previously became the object of study more than once [Saray, 1994; 2003. Andican, 2003]. However, one curious episode of bilateral relations has not received the proper assessment of the researchers. We are talking about a very interesting message from the ruler of Bukhara, Mangyt Emir Haidar (1800-1826) to the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II (1808-1839) with a request to accept Bukhara into the Ottoman Empire. Difficult internal and external political situation around Bukhara in the 1810s - 1820s. forced Emir Haidar to look for ways to solve it, one of which was to receive external assistance from the state, which was considered the most powerful in the Muslim world. Also interesting are the motives of the Ottoman political elite, who discussed various aspects of this diplomatic incident and made a direct comparison of the situation with the potential entry of Bukhara into the empire with the range of problems experienced by Ottoman diplomacy around Algeria. The similarity of the conditions for the entry of Algeria in the XVI century into the Ottoman Empire and the situation around Bukhara in the 19th century was due to the similarity of the military-political threats they faced. However, Bukhara was a little-known region of the world, the annexation of which carried significant risks. In this article, the author will attempt to consider this episode, the motives and goals of the parties in more detail.

CULTURE OF TURKISTAN IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Zebiniso A. Akhmedova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

The article analyzes the culture of Turkestan in the second half of the 19th century. The social, economic, politicaland cultural life of Bukhara during the Mangit dynasty is revealed. Clarified trade and diplomatic relations between Bukhara and Russia.On the basis of the works of Ahmad Donish, the economic and political situation in Bukhara, as well as relations with neighboring countries, are studied. The author draws attention to the military-bureaucratic colonial system of tsarism in Turkestan and reveals the reasons for the emergence of ideas of national liberation in the country. Examples are used to analyze the life of Bukhara before and after the invasion of tsarism

scholarly journals Diplomatical Relations between the Emirate of Bukhara and Turkey

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 1398-1405
Author(s):  
Shodiyeva Shahlo Saliyevna, Ergashev Jahongir Yunus ugli
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
The 19Th Century

The following article reconsiders the relations between the emirate of Bukhara and Ottoman Empire in the 19th century also the exchange of ambassadors, includes the political cooperation which served to the bilateral relations of both countries. Also, there is an exchange of discourses on the exchange of correspondence between the emirs of Bukhara and the Sultans of the Ottoman empire.

Сирия (аш-Шам) в системе османских владений (XVI – начало XX в.)

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Mechanisms ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Face ◽  
High Level ◽  
The 19Th Century

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.

THE BEGINNING (OR END) OF MOROCCAN HISTORY: HISTORIOGRAPHY, TRANSLATION, AND MODERNITY IN AHMAD B. KHALID AL-NASIRI AND CLEMENTE CERDEIRA

2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Calderwood
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Historical Thinking ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Military Technology ◽  
Spanish Translation ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis article analyzes two accounts of the Hispano-Moroccan War of 1859–60 in light of scholarly debates about historiography, translation, and modernity in the colonial context. The first text is Ahmad b. Khalid al-Nasiri'sKitab al-Istiqsa(1895), which explores the organization of the Spanish army in an effort to understand the military technology and state apparatus behind colonial domination. The second text, Clemente Cerdeira'sVersión árabe de la Guerra de África(1917), is framed as an annotated Spanish translation of al-Nasiri's text, but Cerdeira suppresses key passages from al-Nasiri's account in order to undermine any hint that the Moroccan historian's thinking is reformist or modern. By comparing these two accounts of the same war, the article aims to situate al-Nasiri's text within the reform movements that spread through the Muslim Mediterranean in the 19th century and to use al-Nasiri's historical thinking as a model for theorizing Moroccan modernity.

A New Pattern of Old Fabric: Taʻlīm-i fārisī and the Grammatical Description of the Persian Language in the Ottoman Empire

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (41) ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Munir Drkić ◽  
Ahmed Zildžić
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Paradigm Shift ◽  
Traditional Approach ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Persian Language ◽  
European Languages ◽  
Language Students ◽  
The 19Th Century

This paper aims to examine the work entitled Taʻlīm-i fārisī in the context of the Ottoman tradition of the grammatical study of the Persian language. Taʻlīm-i fārisī, most likely penned by Kemal-pasha, is a short yet exceedingly significant primer for Persian language students dated in the middle of the 19th century. After a brief overview of the Persian grammar studies in the Ottoman Empire, the authors present the work and its author and conduct an analysis of the content of Taʻlīm-i fārisī. In terms of its underlying methodology, this work stands halfway between two principal tendencies: one is the traditional approach to studying the Persian language in the Ottoman Empire; another is a new approach developed under the influence of grammatical description of European languages. This paradigm shift in the Persian language's grammatical description within the Ottoman Empire is readily observable in the primer under review.

Afghanistan: Martial Society Without Military Rule

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amin Tarzi
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Military Campaigns ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

Since its inception as a separate political entity in 1747, Afghanistan has been embroiled in almost perpetual warfare, but it has never been ruled directly by the military. From initial expansionist military campaigns to involvement in defensive, civil, and internal consolidation campaigns, the Afghan military until the mid-19th century remained mainly a combination of tribal forces and smaller organized units. The central government, however, could only gain tenuous monopoly over the use of violence throughout the country by the end of the 19th century. The military as well as Afghan society remained largely illiterate and generally isolated from the prevailing global political and ideological trends until the middle of the 20th century. Politicization of Afghanistan’s military began in very small numbers after World War II with Soviet-inspired communism gaining the largest foothold. Officers associated with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan were instrumental in two successful coup d’états in the country. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, ending the country’s sovereignty and ushering a period of conflict that continues to the second decade of the 21st century in varying degrees. In 2001, the United States led an international invasion of the country, catalyzing efforts at reorganization of the smaller professional Afghan national defense forces that have remained largely apolitical and also the country’s most effective and trusted governmental institution.

The Relationship between Trade and Foreign Direct Investment: Testing Ahmed Midhat Efendi's Hypothesis

2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-549
Author(s):  
V. Necla Geyikdagi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Subject Matter ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
The West ◽  
Normative Framework ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Independent Thinking

“Jack of all trades” Ahmed Midhat Efendi, one of the most famous and popular Ottoman writers of the 19th century, ranged widely in his subject matter, which included economics. Although he was criticized for not having a proper education in the field, his independent thinking made him the most important critic of the laissez-faire system that prevailed in the Ottoman Empire. He disapproved of the liberalism transferred from the West in a normative framework.

scholarly journals ΧΡΙΣΤΙΑΝΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΜΟΥΣΟΥΛΜΑΝΟΙ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΡΗΤΗ, 1821-1924. ΕΝΑΣ ΑΙΩΝΑΣ ΣΥΝΕΧΟΥΣ ΑΝΑΜΕΤΡΗΣΗΣ ΕΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΤΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΕΔΙΟΥ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΧΗΣ

Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
ΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΝΔΡΙΩΤΗΣ
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Urban Centers ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Remote Areas ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Real Estates

<p>Nikos Andriotis, Christians and Muslims in Crete 1821-1924. A Century of Continuous Confrontation in and out of the Battlefield</p><p>This article refers to the strained relations between Christians and Muslims of Crete during the last century of their cohabitation in the island. First, it deals with the frequent upheavals of Christians against Ottoman sovereignty during the 19th century, with an emphasis to the consequences on the population breakdown and the dwelling network of Crete. Among the Muslims who were living far away from the urban centers, a large number moved towards the cities of the island or in other areas of the Ottoman Empire. This phenomenon was an overwhelming characteristic of the last decade of the 19th century. During the same decade the decrease of the Muslim population was significant and the Muslim presence in the countryside was almost annihilated. At the same time Christians, arriving from neighboring or remote areas, colonized the abandoned Muslim dwellings. The Muslims continued to live in a ambiance of insecurity until their mandatory flight in 1923-1924 during the period of the Autonomy (1898-1912) and by the annexation of Crete to Greece, in the exception of the period of time during which there was a relative calmness in the relations of the two communities. The different national aspirations of Christians and Muslims cannot exclusively interpret the violent collision of the two communities. This confrontation is from the early times characterized by economical aspiration of the Christians, mainly through the attempt of acquiring ownership of Muslim estates by legal or illegal means. This occurred mostlyi n the area of Iraklio, where the changes regarding the acquisition of urban and agriculture real estates, through transactions or encroachment, largely took place.</p>

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